Sometimes war words are hell
By ROBERT F. WILLSON JR.
Special to The Star - Posted on Sun, May. 01, 2005
An interesting paradigm shift seems to have taken place in naming groups who form to fight it out with other groups.
“Centurions” or “legionaries” were the titles assigned to those who led the charge against “barbarians” in Roman times. In the days when wars were declared by one country against another (as opposed to “wars” on terror, hunger etc.), those who fought were called “soldiers.” There were variations: “our brave fighting men,” or “doughboys” and “GIs.” But the word “soldier” was understood to mean one who was trained to do battle in an army.
In the post-Vietnam era, newfangled labels have gained popularity, in part because of localized rather than global conflicts.
“Guerrillas,” from the Spanish for “little war,” is a term that has gained currency since so many modern skirmishes involve independent rather than state units, especially in Central or South American countries. Political perspective comes into play here because one man's “guerrilla” is another man's “freedom fighter.” When Castro's guerrilleros came to power in Cuba, they were suddenly transformed into soldados.
The events of 9/11 have given greater weight to the word “terrorist,” a fighter who doesn't play by the rules and whose plots typically result in his or her violent death. “To tremble” is the translation of the word's Greek root, a reaction that is apposite because terrorists inflict suffering indiscriminately on soldiers and civilians alike. They cause society to tremble at their car bombs. Yet fundamentalist leaders who condone terrorism describe their fanatic fighters as “martyrs” waging holy wars that make them worthy of glorious afterlives for their sacrifices.
Now in Iraq those who have taken up arms against coalition forces are styled “insurgents,” and the struggle carries the title of “insurgency.” From the Latin for “rising up,” the word is apt because the rebels represent several groups united against an occupying army that saw itself as “liberator.” The irony is all too apparent: Our revolutionary forefathers were insurgents who challenged the rule of British occupiers.
A similar thing has occurred in naming a certain battlefield condition suffered by soldiers, as noted by comedian George Carlin in When Will Jesus Bring the Pork Chops?
In World War I, men whose nervous systems shut down were said to be suffering from shell shock. During World War II it became battle fatigue, and in Korea the correct term was “operational exhaustion,” which to Carlin sounds “like something that might happen to your car.”
Finally, in the Vietnam War, returning soldiers were diagnosed as having post-traumatic stress disorder. For Carlin these changes reflect a deplorable euphemizing tendency.
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Heres a good one Bro' -
Who’s killing whom?
It’s not the insurgency that’s killing American soldiers. It’s the self-serving strategy to control 12% of the world’s remaining petroleum and to project American military power throughout the region. This is the plan that has put American servicemen into harm’s way. The insurgency is simply acting as any resistance movement would; trying to rid their country of foreign invaders when all the political channels have been foreclosed.
Americans would behave no differently if put in a similar situation and Iraqi troops were deployed in our towns and cities. Ultimately, the Bush administration bears the responsibility for the death of every American killed in Iraq just as if they had lined them up against a wall and shot them one by one. Their blood is on the administration’s hands, not those of the Iraqi insurgency.
Expect another dictator or Mullah
We shouldn’t expect that, after a long period of internal struggle, the Iraqi leadership will embrace the values of democratic government. More likely, another Iraqi strongman, like Saddam, will take power. In fact, the rise of another dictator (or Ayatollah) is nearly certain given the catastrophic effects of the American-led war. Regardless, it is not the
right of the US to pick-and-choose the leaders of foreign countries or to meddle in their internal politics. (The UN, as imperfect as it may be, is the proper venue for deciding how to affect the behavior of foreign dictators.) At this point, we should be able to agree that the people of Iraq were better off under Saddam Hussein in every quantifiable way than they are today. Even on a physical level, the availability of work, clean water, electricity, sewage control, medicine, gas and food were far superior to the present situation. On a deeper level, the insecurity from the sporadic violence, the increasing brutality, and the gross injustice of the occupation has turned Iraq into a prison-state, where the amenities of normal life are nowhere to be found.
Support for the Bush policy is, by necessity, support for the instruments of coercion that are used to perpetuate that occupation. In other words, one must be willing to support the torture at Abu Ghraib, (which continues to this day, according to Amnesty International) the neoliberal policies (which have privatized all of Iraq’s publicly owned industries, banks and resources), an American-friendly regime that excludes 20% (Sunnis) of the
population and, worst of all, “the return-in full force-of Saddam’s Mukhabarat agents, now posing as agents of the new Iraqi security and intelligence services.” (Pepe Escobar, Asia Times)
Are Americans prepared to offer their support to the same brutal apparatus of state-terror that was employed by Saddam? (Rumsfeld’s unannounced visit to Baghdad last week was to make sure that the newly elected officials didn’t tamper with hiscounterinsurgency operatives, most of whom were formerly employed in Saddam’s secret police)
We should also ask ourselves what the long-range implications of an American victory in Iraq would be. Those who argue that we cannot leave Iraq in a state of chaos don’t realize that stabilizing the situation on the ground is tantamount to an American victory and a vindication for the policies of aggression. This would be a bigger disaster than the invasion itself. The Bush administration is fully prepared to carry on its campaign of global domination by force unless an unmovable object like the Iraqi insurgency blocks its way. Many suspect, that if it wasn’t for the resistance, the US would be in Tehran and Damascus right now. This, I think, is a rational assumption. For this reason alone, antiwar advocates should carefully consider the implications of “so-called” humanitarian objectives designed to pacify the population. “Normalizing” aggression by ameliorating
its symptoms is the greatest dilemma we collectively face.
We should be clear about our feelings about the war and the occupation. The disparate Iraqi resistance is the legitimate manifestation of a national liberation movement. Its success is imperative to the principles of national sovereignty and self-determination; ideals that are revered in the Declaration of Independence. The toppling of foreign regimes and the destruction of entire civilizations cannot be justified in terms of “democracy” or any other cynically conjured-up ideal. The peace and security of the world’s people depends on the compliance of states with the clearly articulated standards of international law and the UN Charter. Both were deliberately violated by the invasion of Iraq. Crushing the insurgency will not absolve that illicit action; it will only increase the magnitude of the crime.
Therefore we look for an American defeat in Iraq. Such a defeat would serve as a powerful deterrent to future unprovoked conflicts and would deliver a serious blow to the belief that aggression is a viable expression of foreign policy.
Posted on: Sunday, May 1, 2005
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More women bear wounds of war
By Dave Moniz
USA Today
WASHINGTON — On June 19, Lt. Dawn Halfaker and soldiers from her military police platoon were on a reconnaissance patrol in Baqouba, Iraq, when a rocket-propelled grenade exploded inside their armored Humvee, grievously wounding two of the soldiers inside.
Lt. Dawn Halfaker lost her right arm to a rocket-propelled grenade in Iraq. Since then, she has done about 30 interviews and counseled West Point cadets.
Tim Dillon • USA Today
Dazed and covered in blood, Halfaker mustered the energy to give an order to her driver. "Get out of the kill zone!" she shouted. Halfaker's right arm was loosely connected to her torso.
In the front passenger seat, Staff Sgt. Norberto Lara was in worse shape. His right arm, Halfaker remembers, was severed, a devastating but not mortal wound.
Six days later, Halfaker was a patient at Walter Reed Army Medical Center, about to lose her arm to a life-threatening infection. Today, as she completes her rehabilitation, Halfaker is considering several job offers in Washington and planning to attend graduate school at Georgetown University after leaving the Army.
She is one of five American military women at Walter Reed who have lost limbs from combat injuries in Iraq, a war that marks the first time large numbers of female troops have faced prolonged exposure to daily combat.
A decade ago — amid a heated national debate over which military jobs women should occupy — Halfaker's story might have ignited a battle over whether women should experience the hazards of ground fighting. Today, she and other severely injured female soldiers say, reality has overtaken that debate.
Since the ambush that nearly killed her, Halfaker, 25, has done about 30 interviews and appearances, including segments on MSNBC and CNN, and has counseled cadets at West Point. She says she is sometimes asked, often by people her parents' age, whether women should be so heavily involved in fighting.
"Women in combat is not really an issue," she says. "It is happening."
Although women are eligible to fill most jobs in the military, they are barred from some of the most hazardous positions, including infantry troops, special operations commandos, tank crews and others that would place them in front-line ground combat.
But they can fly most aircraft, including fighter jets, and serve as MPs and in other jobs that put them in harm's way.
Guerrilla wars in Iraq and Afghanistan — where front-line and rear-echelon troops often share the same dangers — have rendered the military's efforts to regulate risk difficult if not impossible.
"Everyone pretty much acknowledges there are no rear battle areas, no forward line of troops," Halfaker says.
Since the Iraq war began two years ago, 35 U.S. women have died and 271 have been wounded. Although several hundred American women were killed in previous wars, the majority of them were nurses or auxiliary troops assigned to rear areas, many of whom died of disease and injuries unrelated to combat.
During Vietnam, the most recent prolonged ground war, eight American women — all nurses — died.
U.S. Rep. Heather Wilson, a New Mexico Republican who served as an Air Force officer in the 1980s, says the Iraq war seems to have largely answered questions about how Americans would react to seeing women return home in bandages and body bags.
"There have been casualties, men and women, and we grieve for them. But I think we have gotten beyond the point where losing a daughter is somehow worse than losing a son," Wilson says.
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