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nnrecrut
Seymour Hersh: Iraq "Moving Towards Open Civil War"

Wednesday, May 11th, 2005

QUOTE
http://www.democracynow.org/article.pl?sid=05/05/11/142250
We spend the hour with Pulitzer prize-winning investigative journalist Seymour Hersh. Hersh won the Pulitzer prize for exposing the My Lai massacre in Vietnam. Last year, he broke the Abu Ghraib prisoner abuse scandal. He is author of the book "Chain of Command: From 9/11 to Abu Ghraib." We hear an address he delivered at an event sponsored by the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign entitled "Can Freedom of the Press Survive Media Consolidation?" And he joins us in the studio to talk about the resistance in Iraq, Ahmad Chalabi, the state of the media and much more. [includes rush transcript]


RUSH TRANSCRIPT

AMY GOODMAN: Pulitzer Prize-winning reporter, Seymour Hersh speaking at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, at a major media reform conference. We'll come back to his remarks, and then he joins us live in the studio here, as we broadcast from the University of Illinois.

[break]

AMY GOODMAN: And that is Seymour Hersh, Pulitzer Prize-winning reporter giving the keynote address last night at the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign. When we come back, Seymour Hersh joins us live in the studio.

[break]

AMY GOODMAN: We are joined right now by Seymour Hersh. It's very good to have you with us. Very interesting to listen to this speech.

SEYMOUR HERSH: Thank you.

AMY GOODMAN: I wanted to start off with, is it true that Dick Cheney and Donald Rumsfeld attempted to break into your home?

SEYMOUR HERSH: Well, no, not literally, of course, but it is true that they asked the FBI to in 1975, when I was a reporter in Washington for The New York Times. I had written a story about, oh, some secret stuff involving the Navy and spying on Russia and intercepts. It was pretty sensitive stuff. It was given to me by people inside the bureaucracy who thought it was stupid, counterproductive and wasteful and dangerous, so there was a reason to write it. I mean, it wasn't as if I was just exposing something -- it had been the source of enormous dismay inside that we continued to do these provocative operations. This was at the end of the Vietnam War. And so, they got upset. Cheney and -- they were both -- one was Chief of Staff, one was his deputy. Maybe Rumsfeld was Secretary of Defense then.

And what happened is that during the 2000 campaign when Cheney was nominated, a bunch of reporters from Newsweek went to the Ford Library in Michigan, Gerald Ford -- I don't -- Grand Rapids, I think it was. There's a library there, and they discovered they had declassified some documents, sort of a 25-year time period, and out popped this file on me. And those guys at Newsweek were very excited about it. They even shared it with me. They sent me a copy. It was about 50 pages of worrying about what to do, and at one point they did ask the -- Rumsfeld -- Cheney was writing notes. Rumsfeld was involved and others were, too, in the White House, the White House Counsel, etc., and people from the Pentagon, and they asked the FBI to do -- to go into my house as -- one of the options was go into my house. There were a series of options. One was do nothing. One was to ask The New York Times to try to do something about me, you know, to shut me down, but the most dramatic one was to go into my house.

And they sent it over – and then Ed Levi, who was also a participant in these discussions, he was then the Attorney General. And as I said last night here, o, if we had an Attorney General like that again, former Dean at the University of Chicago Law School, and eminent jurist. He wrote them a smashing memo saying, are you guys -- excuse me, guys, the White House cannot order the FBI to go into someone's house. You have to -- we have to begin a criminal investigation. It has to be determined by appropriate judicial figures, people in the Justice Department. The Department of Justice has to decide there's a case there. Then as part of the investigation, we can authorize it, you cannot. And so they were sort of rebuked. And it was in writing. And Newsweek never did the story. And so --

AMY GOODMAN: Why?

SEYMOUR HERSH: Do I know why anybody doesn’t do anything? I don't know why. And it never really became a story. It was sort of -- you know, this came up because somebody asked me about it last night. I decided not to talk -- write about it and talk about it.

AMY GOODMAN: And what would they have found if they broke into your house?

SEYMOUR HERSH: A dog. A cat. As if -- as if somebody would keep memos and, you know, -- I don't keep anything around, period. I just don't do it.

AMY GOODMAN: This latest news that we get out of Jordan right now about the pardoning of Ahmad Chalabi -- King Abdullah of Jordan agreeing to pardon the one-time CIA asset. For years he faced a 22-year prison sentence in Jordan for fraud after his Petra Bank collapsed with more than 300 million dollars in missing deposits. The Iraqi President, Jalal Talabani, asking the king to do this. What's going on here, and the significance?

SEYMOUR HERSH: I’m sort of glad and not glad you asked me that question, because I do know something about it. Here's what I know about that. I know that King Jordan comes to visit America quite a bit – the United States. And the President likes him -- our President, George Bush, because he speaks good English. He went to a prep school here in America, and he's very pro-Western. And he sees the President, and he has told friends -- this is about nine months ago -- he was stunned. He was seeing the President. The President said, you know, “Your” -- whatever he calls him -- “I have a favor.” He said, “Of course, anything.” “I want you to pardon Chalabi.” And he was stunned, because, you know, how can he pardon Chalabi after what he had done. The money he stole was from old women and children, you know, little funds, and he was reviled, Chalabi. I have actually read -- I actually somebody in the intelligence community once gave me the transcript of his trial in Arabic. And we had it translated at The New Yorker. This time he was sort of out of vogue, and a story never emerged out of it, but the trial was devastating. I mean, they had him nailed. And he was smuggled out of the country. He probably was in cahoots, by the way, with various members of the royal family then during this stuff, you know, bribery, etc. In any case, he was stunned, and he didn't know what to say. He went back and he asked people in the parliament, who said, “Are you kidding?” So all I can tell you is that Abdullah is doing what the President of the United States, to his amazing shock, because this was after the stuff came out about Chalabi and his connection to Iran. This is probably a neo-con, a neoconservative play. I guess if you wanted to extrapolate it, I don't know whether -- if anybody cares, but I’m sure the White House would deny it and say it's not true, but I can categorically tell you this is Abdullah's story, this I do know. And he was stunned. And he couldn't do it then, so obviously, he thought time had passed. The idea that the President after Chalabi was in big trouble over his connections to Iran and being accused of leaking information whether rightly or not --

AMY GOODMAN: Remind our viewers and listeners, they raided his home in Iraq, the US forces?

SEYMOUR HERSH: Yeah, and they claimed that he had been relaying information about American intercept capability, our signals intelligence to the Iranians who are clearly a presence. You know, Abdullah is one of the people along with --

AMY GOODMAN: The King of Jordan?

SEYMOUR HERSH: Yes. The King of Jordan, along with, of course, the Saudis and the Egyptians who see what's going on in Iraq right now as an existential threat in this sense – that they believe the United States is making a terrible mistake by letting much of Iraq fall into the hands of the – of what they consider to be Iranian Shia. They see the Irianian influence spreading south, and for the Sunni -- those are Sunni countries, that's a devastating effect that hasn't happened before. So it's a huge issue. Then to pardon Chalabi is just -- it's a personal favor for the President. I don't know -- I don't know what, obviously, what's in his mind. I do know the President, I think all of us understand, he's more attuned. He wouldn't have done what he did in Iraq if he hadn't been more attuned even before becoming President to the idea that all things in the Middle East revolve around Iraq as the neo-cons always believed.

AMY GOODMAN: The news of this Operation Matador that is taking place right now, US forces carrying it out, one of the largest post-Saddam military operations in Iraq, the US admitting it’s facing fierce resistance. What is the significance of this? When do casualties count, when don't they?

SEYMOUR HERSH: Well, they're not counting now. American casualties are discounted in the newspapers. We have had an awful lot of people, more than a dozen die in the last few days alone in Iraq. American casualties are back up. And it's not a major story. Once in a while it gets to be a story. And so, they put out -- they do their own sort of accounting. The one way they balance the bad news is they have raids. And we suddenly show us on the offensive. And part of it is what the information -- it's an operation, it's a public relations. It's a strategic deception in a way. I’m not suggesting the raids are not there. I’m not suggesting they may even be finding people. God knows who they find. But clearly, one reason they're being emphasized is to detract from what's going on, which is a steady increase in the insurgency and the resistance.

And what happened is after the election of January 30, the elections so widely hailed by this President and the government, which as we now know has had very little consequence on the reality of what's going on on the ground, as we move towards an open civil war there, but after the election, there were orders put out to change the reporting requirements on incidents. In other words, you had to have a serious American fatality or casualty, not necessarily death, but a serious incident, to get reported. So just a mine going off and somebody being lightly wounded wouldn't get reported. So the numbers went down right away, suggesting that somehow the election had worked.

And again, if you remember before the election, there was nothing but talk from the White House about how the resistance was going to challenge us repeatedly and go after us on election day. How do they know? I mean, we know nothing about what the resistance does. We have no intelligence about who they are, where they are. We have some ideas. We know they used to operate in three-man cells in 2003 and then 15-man cells last year. We don’t know when they’re gonna hit, where they’re gonna hit. So how do we know what they were planning to do before January 30 last year? We don't. But we created an image that they were planning massive attacks. And when they didn't come off -- they were the usual daily assortment of attacks -- it's a victory. I mean, the information is totally controlled by the American government. I don't fault the press in Baghdad, because they can't get out and they can’t do it. They're stuck.

AMY GOODMAN: Civil war?

SEYMOUR HERSH: Why not? What is it? Where do you think we're at? There was a piece in The New York Times a week ago Sunday in the magazine section. I would say one of the most stunningly obtuse -- I don't know what they're thinking in my old newspaper. A piece essentially praising the fact that we have -- the United States is supporting a paramilitary group --.

AMY GOODMAN: This is the cover of the magazine, the “Salvadorization of Iraq.”

SEYMOUR HERSH: Right, and as you mentioned in your talk last night, with one of the American commanders who was involving and supporting and aiding the El Salvadorian hunter-killer teams back two decades ago, in charge, being the adviser to this group -- this is a group that, in The New York Times story, committed significant violations of the Geneva Convention, and it's almost being praised by it. There isn’t a sense in the article -- there is not any sense of the big picture, that these are violations of the Geneva Convention, that this is exactly -- this is the former Mukhabarat, the former secret police of Saddam. These are the people that we went to war against, and we're now writing articles in favor of them. The New York Times reporter was embedded with them. Although, I must say to his credit, that is acknowledged in the story, it's explained, but it doesn't really explain what that means, the context. And, you know, I can say because I have a lot of respect for The New York Times, I don't know what the guys on the top -- I mean, I know when I worked there, if I wrote a magazine piece, the senior editors read it, discussed it, gave me notes. It's not just done in the magazine. The guys that run the newspaper read it. What were they thinking of?

AMY GOODMAN: And what about this issue of the Salvadorization, the idea that John Negroponte has been the US Ambassador -- of course, he’s head of National Intelligence now -- formerly in the early ‘80s, Ambassador to Honduras, the staging ground for the Contra War? Do you see a connection between the people that are being brought in now who worked Salvador, two decades ago working with paramilitaries?

SEYMOUR HERSH: I don't want to beat my breast, but I think I used the notion that it's an El Salvadorian war in an article in The New Yorker about six months ago, saying it's gone El Salvador. And Negroponte is a true believer. He really supports this administration and Bush. He's totally on the team. Somebody said to me when he was named head of the overall intelligence apparatus by Bush, you know, we all joked that everybody who goes to the White House has to drink the Kool-Aid in order to get there. In other words, you only want to hear from people who believe what you’re -- there's no opposition, no dissent allowed. I mean, there's just no dissent allowed inside. Any dissent is not just honest dissent, it's being a traitor. And somebody said to me, well, he's going to mix the Kool-Aid. That's his job now as head of intelligence. He’s very nice, a very pleasant man, he’s very articulate. And I think what he has done in terms of setting up a covert, off-the-books apparatus and a hunter-killer team, that's what we have now. We’re taking down -- the idea is, I think it’s ungodly in a way, really, what he has done. The idea is right now in Iraq, the goal they have now is they want to go into the various major cities in the Sunni heartland, the four provinces of Iraq that are considered to be pro-Saddam or pro-Ba'athist, and which what 40% of the population reside, around Baghdad. The idea is to go to major cities. They did Fallujah, they're doing Ramadi right now, take it down, make the people of the Sunni heartland more afraid of the American/Iraqi Mukhabarat than they are of the resistance. That's the idea. And Abizaid, so I have been told, has made it clear that he thinks he can, within a year, he can take down four or five of the major strongholds. And I think the plan is to go from Ramadi to another major city of 300,000 or 400,000 and begin the same kind of operation. No more embedded journalists, only on a rare occasion. We're not there like we were in Fallujah. We don't really know what's going on in Ramadi. It seems like it’s holy hell there, but we don't know. And I think that’s the game plan. It’s sort of a desperate game plan. It's not going to work, obviously. Occupiers, terror and these techniques don't work. You know, the Israelis, you could argue, did well --

AMY GOODMAN: We have ten seconds.

SEYMOUR HERSH: Well, when the Palestinians, because it was an existential threat for the Israelis. They learned a language, they got there. It’s not for us. We’re just in there dabbling. We’re dabbling at this Mukhabarat and this kind of stuff. We're just causing chaos. Then we can walk away.

AMY GOODMAN: We want to thank you very much, Seymour Hersh, for being with us, author of Chain of Command: The Road from 9-11 to Abu Ghraib.


www.democracynow.org


QUOTE
AMY GOODMAN: We continue with the keynote address last night of Pulitzer Prize-winning reporter, Seymour Hersh. His latest book is called Chain Of Command: The Road from 9/11 to Abu Ghraib.


The transcript of Sy Hersh's speech can be found a www.democracynow.org
nnrecrut
http://www.americanprogressaction.org/site...=progressreport
THE CARNAGE THEY WON'T COVER: Violence in Iraq is sky-rocketing. The number of brutal suicide bombings in Iraq recently reached a record high, "with more than 67 insurgents blowing themselves up in the month of April alone." Newsday reports that insurgents are "effectively encircling the [capital city of Baghdad] and trying to cut it off from the north, south and west." And Pat Lang, the former top Middle East intelligence official at the Pentagon, says, "It's just political rhetoric to say we are not in a civil war. We've been in a civil war for a long time." But according to ABC News, our television media simply doesn't care. The network's morning briefing yesterday noted, "We say with all the genuine apolitical and non-partisan human concern that we can muster that the death and carnage in Iraq is truly staggering. And/but we are sort of resigned to the Notion that it simply isn't going to break through to American news organizations, or, for the most part, Americans.... What is hands down the biggest story every day in the world will get almost no coverage."



Experts: Iraq verges on civil warBY TIMOTHY M. PHELPS
WASHINGTON BUREAU CHIEF

May 12, 2005


WASHINGTON -- An unchastened insurgency sowed devastation across Iraq Wednesday as experts here said the country is either on the verge of civil war or already in the middle of it.

In the course of the day: Four car bombs detonated in Baghdad; a man wearing explosives at an army recruitment center in Hawija, north of Baghdad, blew himself and many others up; a car bomb exploded in a marketplace in Tikrit, north of Baghdad; and the country's largest fertilizer plant was heavily damaged by a bomb in the usually quiet southern city of Basra. Meanwhile, U.S. Marines were winding up a remarkable pitched battle against surprisingly well-equipped and determined insurgents on Iraq's western border. Some 76 Iraqis were reported killed and more than 120 wounded in the one day of violence.

With security experts reporting that no major road in the country was safe to travel, some Iraq specialists speculated that the Sunni insurgency was effectively encircling the capital and trying to cut it off from the north, south and west, where there are entrenched Sunni communities. East of Baghdad is a mostly unpopulated desert bordering on Iran.

"It's just political rhetoric to say we are not in a civil war. We've been in a civil war for a long time," said Pat Lang, the former top Middle East intelligence official at the Pentagon.

Other experts said Iraq is on the verge of a full-scale civil war with civilians on both sides being slaughtered. Incidents in the past two weeks south of Baghdad, with apparently retaliatory killings of Sunni and Shia civilians, point in that direction, they say.

Also of concern were media accounts that hard-line Shia militia members are being deployed to police hard-line Sunni communities such as Ramadi, east of Baghdad, which specialists on Iraq said was a recipe for disaster.

"I think we are really on the edge" of all-out civil war, said Noah Feldman, a New York University law professor who worked for the U.S. coalition in Iraq.

He said the insurgency has been "getting stronger every passing day. When the violence recedes, it is a sign that they are regrouping." While there is a chance the current flare of violence is the insurgency's last gasp, he said, "I have not seen any coherent evidence that we are winning against the insurgency."

"Everything we thought we knew about the insurgency obviously is flawed," said Judith Kipper of the Council on Foreign Relations. "It was quiet for a little while, and here it is back full force all over the country, and that is very dark news."

The increased violence coincides with the approval of a new, democratic government two weeks ago. But instead of bringing the country together, the new government seems to have further alienated even moderate Sunnis who believe they have only token representation.

"That is a joke," said Sunni politician Saad Jabouri, until recently governor of Diyala Province, in an interview here. "The only people they allowed in the government are ones who think like them," he said of the majority Shia faction, who mostly come from Islamic parties.

Military and civilian experts said the insurgency seemed designed to outlast the patience of the American and Iraqi peoples.

"I just think this Sunni thing is going to be pretty hard," said Phebe Marr, a leading U.S. Iraq expert reached in the protected Green Zone in Baghdad. "The American public has to get its expectations down to something reasonable."

Lang said there is new evidence that Saddam Hussein's regime carefully prepared in advance for the insurgency, with former Iraqi officers at the core of each group. They are well coordinated and have consistently adjusted their strategy, he said.

Now the 140,000-plus U.S. troops in the country are mainly "a nuisance" factor in the insurgents' overall goal of preventing the new government from consolidating.

"They understand what the deal is here," Lang said, "to start applying maximum pressure to the economy and the government and make sure it will not work." Their roadside bombs are intended to keep U.S. forces inside their bases, he said.

All the while the insurgents are gaining strength, he said. "The longer they keep going on the better they will get," said Lang, a student of military history. "The best school of war is war."

The Sunni insurgents could win the battle if they persevere long enough to sour U.S. voters, Feldman said.

He said, "There is no evidence whatsoever that they cannot win."
flydangler
Ya but methinks when the NY Times starts printin' stories like "Some Sunnis Hint at Peace Terms in Iraq, U.S. Says" and "The Mystery of the Insurgency" ya gotta start wonderin' 'bout what's really goin' on, eh?
nnrecrut
QUOTE(flydangler @ May 14 2005, 07:24 PM)
ya gotta start wonderin' 'bout what's really goin' on, eh?
*


I'm not sure anyone really knows what is going on. Only one thing is really clear--violence in Iraq is escalating by insurgents who seem to be growing in numbers- just like weeds--you take one out and turn around and 4 more have popped up in it's place. I do believe we are in a quagmire with no end is sight--the Bush admin doesnt appear to have a clue what to do--they didn't understand what they were getting us into and lack an understanding and knowledge of the history of the Moslem's in this region.
I think the author of the article you posted has is right with the comment:

QUOTE
"Yet it may prove to be one of history's humbling lessons that history itself fails to illuminate the conflict under way in Iraq. No one really knows what the insurgents are up to.

"It clearly makes sense to the people who are doing it," said Dr. Loren B. Thompson, a defense analyst at the Lexington Institute. "And that more than anything else tells us how little we understand the region."

http://www.nytimes.com/2005/05/15/weekinre...agewanted=print
The Mystery of the Insurgency - New York Times



Today's news from Iraq.
http://icasualties.org/oif/
05/16/05 AP: Bodies pile up as Iraq insurgency rages on
Over the weekend, the bodies of at least 41 people were found in Baghdad, Sadr City' Baghdad's eastern Shaab neighborhood, Kirkuk, Najat Saadoun, among other cities.

05/16/05 NYTimes: More Attacks in Iraq
In Al Muwelha, armed men attacked a preliminary school, two teachers were killed. In Sadat al Hindiya a police officer and his wife were killed by an unidentified armed group and their three children were badly wounded.

05/16/05 NYTimes: 15 Dead in a Series of Attacks in Iraq
In central Baghdad, a mortar fell on the College of Engineering, killing two students and wounding 12 others. Armed men also opened fire on an Iraqi National Guard patrol, killing two civilians and wounding three people.

05/16/05 AP: Bombings, drive-by shootings kill 8 Iraqis
Four Iraqi soldiers were killed and at least four people wounded after a mortar and roadside bomb attack was launched against a fire station in Khan Bani Saad, a town about 15 miles northeast of Baghdad, said police Col. Mudafar Mohammed.

05/16/05 AP: Monday Violence In Iraq
Two civilians died. Another Iraqi army unit was attacked by a roadside bomb blast in a town northeast of Baghdad. Four soldiers were killed.

05/16/05 icWales: Six killed in Iraq roadside bombings
Roadside bombings targeting Iraqi soldiers in Baghdad and north of the capital killed six people today, police said. Two civilians were killed in Baghdad's south-western Saydiya district when a bomb exploded as an Iraqi army convoy passed.

05/16/05 Reuters: Three Iraqis working for Kuwaiti TV killed
The three men -- two journalists and a driver -- were on their way back to Baghdad from the Shi'ite holy city of Kerbala when they were ambushed near the towns of Mahmudiya and Latafiya in the lawless area known as the "triangle of death".

05/16/05 Reuters: Bodies of 12 Iraqi men found dumped in Baghdad
The bodies of 12 Iraqi men, all of whom had been shot dead, have been found dumped in northeastern Baghdad, police said on Monday. They said the bodies had been found overnight. Since Saturday, at least 46 bodies have been found ...

05/16/05 DOD Identifies Army Casualty
Pfc. Travis W. Anderson, 28, of Hooper, Colo., died May 13 in Bayji, Iraq, when a vehicle-borne improvised explosive device detonated near his convoy. Anderson was assigned to the Army's 2nd Battalion, 7th Infantry Regiment ...

This article is interesting
05/16/05 Independent: Iraq is a bloody no man's land.
"The battlefield is a great place for liars," Stonewall Jackson once said on viewing the aftermath of a battle in the American civil war. The great general meant that the confusion of battle is such that anybody can claim anything during a war ...
http://news.independent.co.uk/world/middle...sp?story=638525
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