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kansasgirl
QUOTE(heritage @ Jul 29 2005, 03:58 PM)
This is my first article that I've searched and found. I'll try to find a more mainstream source.

Bush Cheney, Rove Retain Lawyers in Plame Scandal 
    by CONSPIRACY PLANET

http://www.conspiracyplanet.com/channel.cf...&contentid=2407

White House advisor Karl Rove may not be the only one held accountable in the Valerie Plame Scandal. The so-called 'White House Iraq Group' may also be criminally liable for exposing Valerie Plame, the wife of Ambassador Joseph Wilson as a CIA covert operative, reports Wayne Madsen. (www.waynemadsenreport.com)

Plame was outed in a column by notorious Republican asset Robert Novak in retaliation for Wilson's public stance against the Bush Cheney Regime, which tried to forge evidence that Iraq was involved in importing "yellowcake" from Niger, a reason used for illegally invading Iraq in 2003.

"There are also growing suspicions that Rove coordinated the exposure of Plame and her network through an entity called the White House Iraq Group - an entity created to manage the propaganda for the war," reports Madsen.

"Its members included Rove, Cheney's assistant Mary Matalin, White House communications assistants Karen Hughes and James Wilkinson, Press Secretary Ari Fleischer, Legislative liaison Nicholas Calio, National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice, her deputy Stephen Hadley, and Cheney Chief of Staff I.

http://www.conspiracyplanet.com/channel.cf...tid=2407&page=2

This "White House Iraq Group" may have authorized the "leak" to Novak as a way to "punish" Wilson for his vocal opposiiton to the Bush Cheney White House.

Speculation in the Beltway continues regarding whether President Bush and Vice President Cheney knew about and/ or authorized the leak to Novak as a way to retaliate against Wilson.

Madsen writes that "Bush retained Jim Sharp, a criminal defense attorney, as his counsel in the Plame matter. Cheney retained Terrence O'Donnell of the Williams and Connolly law firm as his counsel."
*


John Dean talked about this last night on Countdown. Here's the transcript:

Our third story on the COUNTDOWN, to borrow the title of the old Carol Reed/Joseph Cotton/Orson Welles masterpiece, “The Third Man.” The source remains unidentified, but the reporter is this man, Walter Pincus, who covers the intelligence beat for “The Washington Post.” Pincus has written a piece on the use of anonymous sources for a scholarly publication, “Nieman Reports” of the Nieman Foundation at Harvard.

In it, he recalls that two days before the column by Robert Novak outing Valerie Plame, quote, “On July 12, 2003, an administration official who was talking to me confidentially about a matter involving alleged Iraqi nuclear activities veered off the precise matter we were discussing and told me that the White House had not paid attention to former ambassador Joseph Wilson‘s CIA-sponsored February, 2002, trip to Niger because it was set up as a boondoggle by his wife, an analyst with the agency working on weapons of mass destruction.”

Pincus also wrote that special prosecutor Patrick Fitzgerald wanted him to name the source. Pincus refused. And then Pincus discovered that his source had named himself. Pincus says Fitzgerald finally put him on oath last September, never asked him to identify his source, only about the nature of their conversation.

So where do we get idea that Pincus‘s source was neither Rove nor Libby? “The New York Times.” Its story today reads, “A review of Mr. Pincus‘s own accounts and those of other people with detailed knowledge of the case strongly suggests that his source was neither Rove nor Libby and was, in fact, a third administration official whose identity has not yet been publicly disclosed.”

The Walter Pincus story is just the latest tentacle springing out from what may—some have already called the neverending story. Paying close attention to that story, both for a series of columns on the Findlaw Web site and because, perhaps, of his own sense of deja vu, is John Dean, the White House counsel to Richard Nixon and author of the book “Worse Than Watergate.”

Good evening, John.

JOHN DEAN, NIXON WHITE HOUSE COUNSEL: Hi, Keith.

OLBERMANN: What‘s the significance of the third man here? Is it his or her identity? Is it the willingness to volunteer information to Pincus? Or is it something else?

DEAN: Well, it‘s hard to really know for certain, since we‘re not privy to the investigation. What I found interesting is that, apparently, Fitzpatrick is not—Fitzgerald is not interested in the information of exactly the identity of the person, which suggests this person isn‘t a target, isn‘t a corroborating witness. So the exact role of this person is not clear.

We do know from “The Washington Post” many, many, many months ago, that they said some six people had been involved on behalf of the administration in trying to spread this story, so I assume this is one of the six. But this is story, Keith, is one that we just learn a little more about, about one sixteenth of an inch at a time and long between those movements.

OLBERMANN: Does the solidity of the fact that there‘s a third source if “The Post” is right and there‘s six, that‘s still somewhat nebulous. But here we have two named ones and potentially a third one. Would that explain why Judith Miller of “The New York Times” is in jail, or is the speculation Arianna Huffington posted today correct, and, in fact, Judith Miller was the original source about Plame to the administration figures?

DEAN: Yes, that story about Judith Miller‘s role has been buzzing around for quite a while, and this could have some influence on that. I‘m not inclined to speculate excessively on these things. We do know that a lot of people think that it may be Miller herself who tipped off people, and it may be that Fitzgerald is trying to press her to find out where she got the information from, and there could be a tie-in there. So again, we‘re pretty much in the area of speculation. But what is the—to me, the interesting point is how little we do know, how close this prosecutor is holding his information.

OLBERMANN: But you were one of the first people to posit, as a lot have since, that this prosecutor, Mr. Fitzgerald‘s, case in the investigation would probably not turn out to be about this very fine point of law, the deliberate outing of an undercover agent, that the threshold for that is extraordinarily high, and that if there are indictments, they will probably wind up being for perjury, for withholding information. Are you any clearer in your own mind on where you think he is going?

DEAN: Well, our principal source for information on this story has been not the witnesses themselves who‘ve been appearing before the grand jury, who are free to talk, but their attorneys. And it‘s not unusual for attorneys in situations like this to share information amongst themselves so they can better protect and defend their clients. And there is a little buzz going on amongst these attorneys, and this is what is trickling out into the press and how we know the progress we do know.

One of the indications that has developed of late is, indeed, that there is more of an indication that the witnesses are being asked about questions that would suggest a perjury investigation or an obstruction of justice investigation. So that is a turn in the case.

OLBERMANN: I referenced your Findlaw columns at the beginning of the introduction here. You‘ve actually found and put in one of them a fairly recent legal precedent that might also give us something of a roadmap as to where the Rove case could go?

DEAN: Well, this is the Randel case that came out of Atlanta, where a young Ph.D. analyst had the book thrown at him. He‘s a classic whistleblower. And they threatened him with 500 years in jail if he didn‘t plead. He pled and did time, for not classified information, for just sensitive information. And when you throw the book at a very small fish, I‘m not quite sure how you can let a big fish off the hook.

And I think that‘s the most troubling aspect of the precedent. It may or may not affect the actual law that was involved, but it‘s the attitude towards prosecution that the Justice Department has shown with others who have leaked improperly information. And they‘re going to have to explain that away or pursue a similar course of prosecution.

OLBERMANN: There may still be a few books to throw in this one. And one other thing about one of your columns. This is from June of 2004. And you mention the arrival on the stage of a player who, even to this date, is probably unknown to a lot of people in this case. People may not have heard this name, James E. Sharp. Who is he, and why do we care?

DEAN: Well, Jim Sharp—it‘s very interesting. He‘s been around Washington a long time. When I first hear the name, he was a young former assistant U.S. attorney whose most notable prosecution had been to successfully prosecute Maryland Senator Brewster for bribery. But where I also ran into him is he defended Jeb Magruder in the Watergate affair. So as I say, he‘s been around a long time, has a very good reputation.

And the significance of it, however, is the fact he is now—one of his clients is no less than the president of the United States, George Bush. And so why did Bush hire an outside attorney? Well, it‘s quite obvious to me that he‘s got information he dare not tell a government attorney because there‘s no attorney-client privilege. And it suggests that he knows more than we are being told publicly he knows, otherwise, he wouldn‘t have needed to bring in an outside attorney.

OLBERMANN: What percentage of presidents wind up hiring their own criminal defense attorneys? Do you have any idea?

DEAN: I think it will become the norm in the future, after what Mr. Starr did to the attorney-client privilege. If a lawyer—excuse me—if a president feels he has any problem, he‘s going to go to an outside attorney, rather than work with an in-house attorney, because that person could theoretically, as Hillary Clinton learned, have to reveal any notes, conversations, and what have you. So no longer is a government attorney available.

So we have one precedent right now, which is George Bush, followed by Dick Cheney, who also hired his own private attorney. And that is the new standing precedent, if you will.

OLBERMANN: Lots of deja vu to go around. John Dean, the White House counsel to Richard Nixon, columnist on Findlaw.com, author of “Worse Than Watergate,” as always, John, my great thanks.

DEAN: Thank you, Keith.

OLBERMANN: Also tonight, a pregnant woman in Philadelphia vanishes without a trace more than a week ago. Now a reward and fund have been started and police are pulling out the stops to try to solve the mystery. Now. And how could Paris Hilton be a mystery to anyone? Well, it seem her future mother-in-law had no clue about Paris‘s home video. Her message to her son? Lose her! That‘s next. This is COUNTDOWN.
heritage
Thanks for the info. I did see this interview.

DEAN: Well, Jim Sharp—it‘s very interesting. He‘s been around Washington a long time. When I first hear the name, he was a young former assistant U.S. attorney whose most notable prosecution had been to successfully prosecute Maryland Senator Brewster for bribery. But where I also ran into him is he defended Jeb Magruder in the Watergate affair. So as I say, he‘s been around a long time, has a very good reputation.

[I thought it was Iran/Contra, but it was Watergate.]

And the significance of it, however, is the fact he is now—one of his clients is no less than the president of the United States, George Bush. And so why did Bush hire an outside attorney? Well, it‘s quite obvious to me that he‘s got information he dare not tell a government attorney because there‘s no attorney-client privilege. And it suggests that he knows more than we are being told publicly he knows, otherwise, he wouldn‘t have needed to bring in an outside attorney.

OLBERMANN: What percentage of presidents wind up hiring their own criminal defense attorneys? Do you have any idea?

DEAN: I think it will become the norm in the future, after what Mr. Starr did to the attorney-client privilege. If a lawyer—excuse me—if a president feels he has any problem, he‘s going to go to an outside attorney, rather than work with an in-house attorney, because that person could theoretically, as Hillary Clinton learned, have to reveal any notes, conversations, and what have you. So no longer is a government attorney available.

So we have one precedent right now, which is George Bush, followed by Dick Cheney, who also hired his own private attorney. And that is the new standing precedent, if you will.

OLBERMANN: Lots of deja vu to go around. John Dean, the White House counsel to Richard Nixon, columnist on Findlaw.com, author of “Worse Than Watergate,” as always, John, my great thanks.

DEAN: Thank you, Keith.
heritage
"There are also growing suspicions that Rove coordinated the exposure of Plame and her network through an entity called the White House Iraq Group - an entity created to manage the propaganda for the war," reports Madsen

QUOTE(Buster0001 @ Jul 29 2005, 09:27 PM)
WOW.  This is STUNNING.  They actually formed a group to spread this
cr__??  This REALLY needs to be spread around the media.
*


I hadn't noticed that line.... these people are very scary. Part of the propaganda strategy was the embedded reporters who all were gung-ho on their adventures more than finding out the truth.
rox63
I heard last year that Bush and Cheney had retained outside counsel regarding the Plame leak. Have they tossed those lawyers and gotten new ones? Or is this just old news?
lawnorder
QUOTE(rox63 @ Jul 29 2005, 10:45 PM)
I heard last year that Bush and Cheney had retained outside counsel regarding the Plame leak. Have they tossed those lawyers and gotten new ones? Or is this just old news?
*

Looks like old news... But it is never too much to remind our ADD public once again...
Snuffysmith
Something to think about:

Plame leak damaged a major CIA investigation linking senior Bush
administration officials to WMD proliferation. U.S. intelligence
insiders have pointed out that the White House is using "Rovegate" and
"Who in the White House said what to whom?" as a smoke screen to divert
attention away from the actual counter-proliferation work Mrs. Wilson
and her Brewster Jennings & Associates team were engaged in. The
arrival of Timothy Flanigan as Patrick J. Fitzgerald's boss is likely
related to the mountains of evidence Fitzgerald has now collected to
indict senior White House officials, particularly, Lewis "Scooter"
Libby, for criminal conspiracy in exposing a sensitive U.S.
intelligence operation that was targeting some of their closest
political and business associates. Libby, it will be recalled, was the
attorney for fugitive global smuggler and multi-bilionaire Marc Rich,
someone who has close ties to the Sharon government and Israeli
intelligence. It is no coincidence that FBI
translator-turned-whistleblower Sibel Edmonds uncovered nuclear
material and narcotics trafficking involving Turkish intermediaries
with ties to Israel at the same time Brewster Jennings and the CIA's
Counter Proliferation Division was hot on the trail of nuclear
proliferators tied to the Israeli government of Ariel Sharon and the A.
Q. Khan network of Pakistan.



Feith and Libby: Ultimate targets of CIA counter-proliferation team?

An arrest in early 2004 points to the links between Israeli agents and
Islamist groups bent on producing weapons of mass destruction,
including nuclear weapons. According to intelligence sources, this was
a network that was a major focus of Edmonds' and Valerie Plame Wilson's
work. In January 2004, FBI and U.S. Customs agents arrested Asher
Karni, a Hungarian-born Orthodox Jew, Israeli citizen, and resident of
Cape Town, South Africa, at Denver International Airport for illegally
exporting 200 electrically triggered spark gaps -- devices that send
synchronized electrical pulses and are used in nuclear weapons -- to
Pakistan via a New Jersey export company named Giza Technologies of
Secaucus (owned by Zeki Bilmen -- whom the FBI has identified as a
Turkish Jew who was already under surveillance by the CIA team). The
cargo manifest listed the equipment as electronics gear [lithotripters
used to break up kidney stones] for the Baragwanath Hospital in Soweto,
South Africa. However, the initial shipment of 66 triggers did not go
to the hospital but to Karni?s Top-Cape Technology of Cape Town, South
Africa. Top Cape, in turn, sent the triggers to AJKMC Lithography Aid
Society in Islamabad, Pakistan through Dubai, United Arab Emirates.
Top-Cape "officially" traded in military and aviation electronics
equipment. It was during the summer of 2003, when Valerie Plame and her
team -- at a critical stage of their investigation of the A. Q. Khan
network -- were outed by White House officials Karl Rove, Scooter
Libby, and at least one other individual (possibly Elliot Abrams), that
Karni received an e-mail from his long time Pakistani associate Humayun
Khan (no relation to A. Q. Khan) asking for 200 triggers to be sent to
his Islamabad-based company, Pakland PME.

After initially attempting to purchase the devices from a sale agent in
France -- an attempt that proved unsuccessful when the French agent
demanded a U.S. export license for the triggers because the end
destination was Pakistan -- Karni managed to obtain the triggers from
Perkin-Elmer's manufacturing plant in Massachusetts through Giza
Technologies. Karni's e-mail traffic to and from Khan was being
intercepted by a covert agent in South Africa and being forwarded to
U.S. authorities. It is not known whether the covert agent was a
Brewster Jennings' asset but it would not be surprising considering
Karni was an important link in the A. Q. Khan nuclear smuggling
network. By the time the initital shipment of 66 triggers were sent to
Karni's Cape Town office, U.S. and South African intelligence were
already closely monitoring the transaction and the key players
involved. It is also noteworthy that Karni previously worked for a Cape
Town electronic import firm called Eagle Technology but was fired after
it was discovered by his boss that he was making secret deals to ship
nuclear components to Israel, India, Pakistan, and possibly, North
Korea. Karni had been in South Africa for 20 years after arriving from
Israel. His time in South Africa coincided with the apartheid
government's rapid development of its own (since disestablished)
nuclear weapons program and very close military ties between South
Africa and Israel.



A.Q. Khan link to Israeli smuggler: Designed to speed up Iranian
nuclear development to justify U.S./Israeli attack on Iran.

As for Humayun Khan, the Los Angeles Times discovered that the
Pakistani "businessman" had been involved in nuclear weapons smuggling
since 1975 when he was engaged in business with a former Nazi named
Alfred Hempel, who was the kingpin in a global nuclear smuggling
network active throughout the 1970s and 1980s. Hempel died in 1989. In
an interview aired by PBS's Frontline on July 26, Humayun Khan said he
never realized Karni was Jewish, stating that the Israeli masqueraded
as a Muslim. However, what is clear is that an Israeli-based network,
involving key neo-conservatives in the Bush adminstration, were
attempting to speed up the clock on the delivery by the A. Q. Khan
network of prohibited nuclear material to countries like Iran, thereby
justifying a pre-emptive U.S. (and Israeli-supported) attack on Iranian
nuclear installations. It was this network that attracted the attention
of the CIA and when it realized some of the "men behind the curtain"
were in the Pentagon, they had their smoking gun evidence of double
dealing by Bush administration officials and their compatriots in the
Sharon government.

Although AJKMC, the Pakistani company, said it merely printed copies of
the Koran, U.S. investigators pointed out the initials also stand for
the All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference, an Islamist opposition
party that supports groups allied to Al Qaeda in Kashmir. Some
anti-terrorism experts believe that Osama Bin laden may be hiding in
Kashmir.

According to FBI insiders, wiretaps of phone calls in the
Giza-Bilmen-Karni smuggling ring yielded the name Douglas Feith, the
Undersecretary of Defense for Plans and Policy and one of Donald
Rumsfeld?s chief advisers, and Turkish MIT intelligence members of the
Turkish American Council. A Malaysian link was also discovered in
Karni?s network.



Israeli nuclear arms smuggler Asher Karni: His links to Bush
administration and Israeli officials may have been the real reason
Valerie Plame and Brewster Jennings & Associates operations were
exposed.

A Federal Judge in Denver said Karni could be released on $75,000 bail
but the government appealed the decision to Judge Thomas Hogan of the
U.S. Court of Appeals in Washington, DC. Hogan is the judge who ordered
New York Times reporter Judith Miller to prison for her failure to
testify before the Grand Jury. The federal prosecutors? appeal failed
and Karni was released on bail into the custody of Rabbi Herzel Kranz.
Karni was ordered to wear an electronic monitor and was ordered to
remain at the Hebrew Sheltering Home in Maryland.

July 26, 2005 -- CIA agents concerned about counter-intelligence "hits"
masked as terrorist attacks. In the aftermath of the outing by the
White House of the identities of covert CIA agents, CIA professionals
are concerned about past and future terrorist bombings being used by
foreign counter-intelligence agencies and terrorist organizations to
selectively assassinate CIA agents and assets identified as being
involved in America's counter-WMD proliferation operations. Of
particular concern are small scale terrorist attacks directed against
restaurants, cafes, hotels, and bars where agents and their assets
meet. They point to the July 23 bomb blast at an Istanbul cafe near the
Galata Bridge which is frequented by Turks and foreigners. The
relatively low yield blast injured two people, a Dutchman and a Turk.
Turkey remains a central focus by U.S. intelligence agencies on WMD
proliferation because of its close links to the former Soviet Central
Asian states, Pakistan, Israel, and former Warsaw Pact eastern European
nations. The Marriott Hotel in Jakarta was car bombed on August 5,
2003, just a few weeks after the White House leaked Valerie Plame's
name and her NOC firm, Brewster Jennings & Associates, to several
reporters, including columnist Robert Novak. Some 14 people were killed
and 148 injured in the Marriott bombing. According to intelligence
sources, a covert team of CIA agents on a classified mission were due
to stay and meet at the hotel the day the bombing occurred but they
canceled their reservations at the last minute when they were tipped
off that they were targets for an attack. The CIA team was reportedly
involved in the capture in Thailand of Al Qaeda terrorist chief
Hambali, thought to have been involved, in addition to the Bali
nightclub and other bombings, in trying to procure radioactive material
(cesium-137 and cobalt-60) smuggled from the former Soviet Union via
Laos to Thailand. It is not known whether any Brewster Jennings NOCs or
assets were members of the CIA team that captured Hambali but the
terrorist's connections to an international network of radioactive
material smugglers would suggest CIA Counter Proliferation Division
(CPD) involvement at a minimum. Plame and her Brewster Jennings
colleagues reported to the CPD. The Jakarta bombing was blamed on Al
Qaeda's Indonesian affiliate, Jemaah Islamiya.
kansasgirl
QUOTE(rox63 @ Jul 29 2005, 09:45 PM)
I heard last year that Bush and Cheney had retained outside counsel regarding the Plame leak. Have they tossed those lawyers and gotten new ones? Or is this just old news?
*



No change from when this was announced last year, but no one was paying attention then. John Dean added some great context to it now and it seems to portend something much more serious now that more facts are dripping out.
winston smith
QUOTE(Snuffysmith @ Jul 30 2005, 01:28 AM)
Something to think about:

Plame leak damaged a major CIA investigation linking senior Bush
administration officials to WMD proliferation. U.S. intelligence
insiders have pointed out that the White House is using "Rovegate" and
"Who in the White House said what to whom?" as a smoke screen to divert
attention away from the actual counter-proliferation work Mrs. Wilson
and her Brewster Jennings & Associates team were engaged in. The
arrival of Timothy Flanigan as Patrick J. Fitzgerald's boss is likely
related to the mountains of evidence Fitzgerald has now collected to
indict senior White House officials, particularly, Lewis "Scooter"
Libby, for criminal conspiracy in exposing a sensitive U.S.
intelligence operation that was targeting some of their closest
political and business associates. Libby, it will be recalled, was the
attorney for fugitive global smuggler and multi-bilionaire Marc Rich,
someone who has close ties to the Sharon government and Israeli
intelligence. It is no coincidence that FBI
translator-turned-whistleblower Sibel Edmonds uncovered nuclear
material and narcotics trafficking involving Turkish intermediaries
with ties to Israel at the same time Brewster Jennings and the CIA's
Counter Proliferation Division was hot on the trail of nuclear
proliferators tied to the Israeli government of Ariel Sharon and the A.
Q. Khan network of Pakistan.
Feith and Libby: Ultimate targets of CIA counter-proliferation team?

An arrest in early 2004 points to the links between Israeli agents and
Islamist groups bent on producing weapons of mass destruction,
including nuclear weapons. According to intelligence sources, this was
a network that was a major focus of Edmonds' and Valerie Plame Wilson's
work. In January 2004, FBI and U.S. Customs agents arrested Asher
Karni, a Hungarian-born Orthodox Jew, Israeli citizen, and resident of
Cape Town, South Africa, at Denver International Airport for illegally
exporting 200 electrically triggered spark gaps -- devices that send
synchronized electrical pulses and are used in nuclear weapons -- to
Pakistan via a New Jersey export company named Giza Technologies of
Secaucus (owned by Zeki Bilmen -- whom the FBI has identified as a
Turkish Jew who was already under surveillance by the CIA team). The
cargo manifest listed the equipment as electronics gear [lithotripters
used to break up kidney stones] for the Baragwanath Hospital in Soweto,
South Africa. However, the initial shipment of 66 triggers did not go
to the hospital but to Karni?s Top-Cape Technology of Cape Town, South
Africa. Top Cape, in turn, sent the triggers to AJKMC Lithography Aid
Society in Islamabad, Pakistan through Dubai, United Arab Emirates.
Top-Cape "officially" traded in military and aviation electronics
equipment. It was during the summer of 2003, when Valerie Plame and her
team -- at a critical stage of their investigation of the A. Q. Khan
network -- were outed by White House officials Karl Rove, Scooter
Libby, and at least one other individual (possibly Elliot Abrams), that
Karni received an e-mail from his long time Pakistani associate Humayun
Khan (no relation to A. Q. Khan) asking for 200 triggers to be sent to
his Islamabad-based company, Pakland PME.

After initially attempting to purchase the devices from a sale agent in
France -- an attempt that proved unsuccessful when the French agent
demanded a U.S. export license for the triggers because the end
destination was Pakistan -- Karni managed to obtain the triggers from
Perkin-Elmer's manufacturing plant in Massachusetts through Giza
Technologies. Karni's e-mail traffic to and from Khan was being
intercepted by a covert agent in South Africa and being forwarded to
U.S. authorities. It is not known whether the covert agent was a
Brewster Jennings' asset but it would not be surprising considering
Karni was an important link in the A. Q. Khan nuclear smuggling
network. By the time the initital shipment of 66 triggers were sent to
Karni's Cape Town office, U.S. and South African intelligence were
already closely monitoring the transaction and the key players
involved. It is also noteworthy that Karni previously worked for a Cape
Town electronic import firm called Eagle Technology but was fired after
it was discovered by his boss that he was making secret deals to ship
nuclear components to Israel, India, Pakistan, and possibly, North
Korea. Karni had been in South Africa for 20 years after arriving from
Israel. His time in South Africa coincided with the apartheid
government's rapid development of its own (since disestablished)
nuclear weapons program and very close military ties between South
Africa and Israel.
A.Q. Khan link to Israeli smuggler: Designed to speed up Iranian
nuclear development to justify U.S./Israeli attack on Iran.

As for Humayun Khan, the Los Angeles Times discovered that the
Pakistani "businessman" had been involved in nuclear weapons smuggling
since 1975 when he was engaged in business with a former Nazi named
Alfred Hempel, who was the kingpin in a global nuclear smuggling
network active throughout the 1970s and 1980s. Hempel died in 1989. In
an interview aired by PBS's Frontline on July 26, Humayun Khan said he
never realized Karni was Jewish, stating that the Israeli masqueraded
as a Muslim. However, what is clear is that an Israeli-based network,
involving key neo-conservatives in the Bush adminstration, were
attempting to speed up the clock on the delivery by the A. Q. Khan
network of prohibited nuclear material to countries like Iran, thereby
justifying a pre-emptive U.S. (and Israeli-supported) attack on Iranian
nuclear installations. It was this network that attracted the attention
of the CIA and when it realized some of the "men behind the curtain"
were in the Pentagon, they had their smoking gun evidence of double
dealing by Bush administration officials and their compatriots in the
Sharon government.

Although AJKMC, the Pakistani company, said it merely printed copies of
the Koran, U.S. investigators pointed out the initials also stand for
the All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference, an Islamist opposition
party that supports groups allied to Al Qaeda in Kashmir. Some
anti-terrorism experts believe that Osama Bin laden may be hiding in
Kashmir.

According to FBI insiders, wiretaps of phone calls in the
Giza-Bilmen-Karni smuggling ring yielded the name Douglas Feith, the
Undersecretary of Defense for Plans and Policy and one of Donald
Rumsfeld?s chief advisers, and Turkish MIT intelligence members of the
Turkish American Council. A Malaysian link was also discovered in
Karni?s network.
Israeli nuclear arms smuggler Asher Karni:  His links to Bush
administration and Israeli officials may have been the real reason
Valerie Plame and Brewster Jennings & Associates operations were
exposed.

A Federal Judge in Denver said Karni could be released on $75,000 bail
but the government appealed the decision to Judge Thomas Hogan of the
U.S. Court of Appeals in Washington, DC. Hogan is the judge who ordered
New York Times reporter Judith Miller to prison for her failure to
testify before the Grand Jury. The federal prosecutors? appeal failed
and Karni was released on bail into the custody of Rabbi Herzel Kranz.
Karni was ordered to wear an electronic monitor and was ordered to
remain at the Hebrew Sheltering Home in Maryland.

July 26, 2005 -- CIA agents concerned about counter-intelligence "hits"
masked as terrorist attacks. In the aftermath of the outing by the
White House of the identities of covert CIA agents, CIA professionals
are concerned about past and future terrorist bombings being used by
foreign counter-intelligence agencies and terrorist organizations to
selectively assassinate CIA agents and assets identified as being
involved in America's counter-WMD proliferation operations. Of
particular concern are small scale terrorist attacks directed against
restaurants, cafes, hotels, and bars where agents and their assets
meet. They point to the July 23 bomb blast at an Istanbul cafe near the
Galata Bridge which is frequented by Turks and foreigners. The
relatively low yield blast injured two people, a Dutchman and a Turk.
Turkey remains a central focus by U.S. intelligence agencies on WMD
proliferation because of its close links to the former Soviet Central
Asian states, Pakistan, Israel, and former Warsaw Pact eastern European
nations. The Marriott Hotel in Jakarta was car bombed on August 5,
2003, just a few weeks after the White House leaked Valerie Plame's
name and her NOC firm, Brewster Jennings & Associates, to several
reporters, including columnist Robert Novak. Some 14 people were killed
and 148 injured in the Marriott bombing. According to intelligence
sources, a covert team of CIA agents on a classified mission were due
to stay and meet at the hotel the day the bombing occurred but they
canceled their reservations at the last minute when they were tipped
off that they were targets for an attack. The CIA team was reportedly
involved in the capture in Thailand of Al Qaeda terrorist chief
Hambali, thought to have been involved, in addition to the Bali
nightclub and other bombings, in trying to procure radioactive material
(cesium-137 and cobalt-60) smuggled from the former Soviet Union via
Laos to Thailand. It is not known whether any Brewster Jennings NOCs or
assets were members of the CIA team that captured Hambali but the
terrorist's connections to an international network of radioactive
material smugglers would suggest CIA Counter Proliferation Division
(CPD) involvement at a minimum. Plame and her Brewster Jennings
colleagues reported to the CPD. The Jakarta bombing was blamed on Al
Qaeda's Indonesian affiliate, Jemaah Islamiya.
*

HOLY SHlT! This gets more interesting every day!
mommadona
QUOTE(Buster0001 @ Jul 29 2005, 06:27 PM)
WOW.  This is STUNNING.  They actually formed a group to spread this
cr__??  This REALLY needs to be spread around the media.
*


Here's an interesting take on it-from "occupied Iraq"...

http://www.uruknet.info/?p=m13793&l=i&size=1&hd=0


The Unified Theory of the Corruption of the Bush Administration
Xymphora

July 17, 2005

​​You can pretty much assume that journalists handling secret sources don't talk to each other, and can also assume that the Vice President's Office and Rove don't talk much, out of motives of possible personal animosity and to avoid the type of Watergate and Iran-Contra problems of which they are fully aware through bitter personal experience. What if Cheney or Libby found out about Plame (possibly from the memo referred to here, but it could have come from anywhere), and, rather than tell Rove directly, told Miller? There seems to be a Cheney-Miller connection, as evidenced by the fact that the Miller aluminum tubes story was immediately followed by Cheney using it in his build-up to war. Once Miller has the info, Cheney or Libby could hint to Rove that he might want to call Miller, and Miller would then pass on the information to Rove. Rove is then off the hook, as he is just the recipient of the scuttlebut of journalists, and can safely pass the information to Pincus, Cooper and Novak. The Rove e-mail message to Stephen Hadley about his conversation with Cooper, saying he 'didn't take the bait' when Cooper suggested that Wilson's criticisms had been damaging to the administration, is just papering the file for Rove's eventual legal defense. Cheney and Libby have cleverly used Miller to launder the information which Cheney wants to get to the press without having his fingerprints on it. Miller uncharacteristically didn't write about the story, which may be evidence that she was in on the scheme. As long as she keeps quiet, Cheney and Libby are safe. Once she is out of jail, they can arrange for her to have a nice book deal, funded by the usual scam of wholesale buying of books by right-wing operators to make the book seem more popular than it actually is.

We're now getting very close to a Unified Theory (or here) of the Corruption of the Bush Administration, tying together Plamegate, the forged Niger documents, the AIPAC scandal, Miller's 'journalism', John Bolton's work undermining the State Department (Bolton also ties into the creation of the original yellowcake story, and don't forget Frederick Fleitz, his chief of staff, with an odd double posting between Bolton and WINPAC in the CIA, where he would know about Plame, and a guy who parrots the Israeli line that UN peacekeepers wouldn't work in the Occupied Territories), the information in the Downing Street Memos, David Wurmser and John Hannah and their Israeli connections within the Vice President's Office, and the machinations of the Office of Special Plans. All this concerns the lies which led to the attack on Iraq, lies which were primarily funneled out of the Vice President's Office. This information included lies from the Iraqi National Conference (through Miller) and Sharon's office (through Feith, and no doubt the assistance of AIPAC). The information battle was with the CIA, which was consistently trying to meddle by attempting to present the truth. Cheney actually had to go and attend at the CIA offices in order to shut the CIA up. The Office of Special Plans was created expressly to route the lies around the truth which the CIA was trying to present. Plamegate was just another shot across the bow of the CIA, a warning that the Vice President was fully capable of fighting dirty if the CIA wasn't ready to play along. It may also reflect, in miniature, the same conspiracy that led to the disastrous attack on Iraq.

:: Article nr. 13793 sent on 17-jul-2005 09:01 ECT

:: The address of this page is : www.uruknet.info?p=13793

:: The incoming address of this article is :
xymphora.blogspot.com/2005/07/unified-theory-of-corruption-of-bush.html
mommadona
QUOTE(kansasgirl @ Jul 30 2005, 09:50 AM)
No change from when this was announced last year, but no one was paying attention then.  John Dean added some great context to it now and it seems to portend something much more serious now that more facts are dripping out.
*


More info on Mr. James E. Sharp (That's "JimmyBoy" to you Mr. Bush....)
http://www.davidsirota.com/blogarchive/200...ta_archive.html
Thursday, June 03, 2004
Who Is the President's New Lawyer?

President Bush consulted with DC lawyer James Sharp, but refuses to offer any details about the attorney. Here are some details about him from today's Progress Report:

WHO IS JAMES E. SHARP?: Attempts by the media "to reach Sharp, an Oklahoma native and former assistant U.S. attorney who has built a low-profile white-collar defense practice in Washington, were unsuccessful." The White House is being so secretive it actually refuses to confirm whether this is the same "James E. Sharp" consulting with the President.

JAMES E. SHARP ACCUSED OF SUBORNING PERJURY: The Progress Report did its own unofficial search in an effort to uncover more details about the lawyer for the president. A search of the DC Bar website lists a James E. Sharp as an active member. A search of court documents shows an attorney named James E. Sharp represented his "good friend" Joe Harry Pegg who was indicted as "one of several individuals who conspired to import marijuana into the United States in 1988 and 1989." During James E. Sharp's representation of Pegg, one of Pegg's alleged co-conspirators said Sharp "helped him concoct a false story to help exculpate Pegg." After sentencing, Pegg appealed his conviction on the ground that "his attorney had a conflict of interest that deprived him of his constitutional right to effective assistance of counsel." The 11th Circuit decision in the case reports that the government did "not deny that Sharp labored under an actual conflict of interest."

posted by David Sirota @ 11:06 AM
rox63
QUOTE(Snuffysmith @ Jul 30 2005, 05:28 AM)
Something to think about:

Plame leak damaged a major CIA investigation linking senior Bush
administration officials to WMD proliferation. U.S. intelligence
insiders have pointed out that the White House is using "Rovegate" and

---snip---

*


Snuffy, what is the source of this story? Is there a link? If there is a reliable source, there are a number of people I want to send this to.

My reaction is the same as Winston's. HOLY "expletive deleted"! blink.gif
rox63
http://www.rawstory.com/exclusives/steinbe...ness_072905.htm

QUOTE
The Plame Affair: Heart of Darkness

By John Steinberg | RAW STORY COLUMNIST

As the Plamegate imbroglio festers, the question finally on many lips and a growing number of newspaper headlines is, “What did the President know, and when did he know it?” An important question, to be sure, but I would like to suggest another, perhaps more revealing question: how did he know it?

The White House is not in any hurry to tell us how much Bush knew or when he knew it. But I think we can intuit a great deal about how. Almost a year ago, Scott McClellan told us that “The president knows that Karl Rove wasn't involved,” but the White House has refused to elaborate. I doubt that McClellan was freelancing here: Bush may well have told him exactly that – no more and no less.

My internal Venn diagram of the sets “Bush speaks” and “Bush lies” has the two circles overlapping almost completely. Paradoxically, I suspect that, at least in the wiggle-the-polygraph sense, he might actually be telling the truth this time. Because, without getting into a "depends-on-what-your-definition-of -'is'-is" discussion, I would not be surprised if Bush actually believes he does know it -- not in the way most of us would recognize, but as he defines knowing. And that distinction takes us to a deeper question, and the very heart of the danger George Bush represents.

Post-Enlightenment folks tend to think of knowledge as an empirical thing: knowledge is the product of evidence that comports with a theory or world view. As such, we seek data, and when the data are inconclusive or inconsistent with expectation, we admit that we don’t know.

That, I submit, is not what George Bush means when he says he knows something. He knew Karl Rove was innocent in the same way he knew that there were WMDs in Iraq, and that Osama got birthday cards from Saddam. More to the point, he knew it the way he knew God wanted him to be president.

In other words, he knows Rove is blameless in the way he knows his religious beliefs are true—based not upon a survey of facts, evidence and expertise, but upon an inventory of only the desolate, monochromatic landscape of his own interior.

Bush knows Rove is innocent because that is what Bush’s heart tells him; his brain is incapable of grasping the resulting circularity. This kind of knowledge, so widely and deeply embraced by his supporters, was the basis for Bush’s elevation to the White House. It explains his intransigent stance on Social Security, on John Bolton, and virtually everything else he has wrought since; the light of reason is not allowed to reach the dark place where Bush holds his beliefs.

The strength, and the weakness, of such a closed, tautological system is that it is entirely immune to refutation by fact or logic. It is a strength, at least in the short term, because a black and white world view is seductive, and when packaged with blanket statements that also obviate the need for accepting responsibility, they are virtual opiates. Hoi polloi are comforted when medicated by pseudo-intellectuals with such circular, hand-washing nonsense as “The terrorists hate us for who we are, not what we do” and “The killers are killers because they want to kill, not because the coalition invaded Iraq, or Afghanistan, or because there are bases in Saudi Arabia, or because Israel will not retreat to the 1967 borders.” But with time, such insularity becomes weakness. As time and events inevitably increase the distance between rigid belief and reality, the necessary suspension of disbelief becomes ever more difficult. Galileo’s work outlived the Inquisition; Reagan traded arms for hostages although “in his heart” he thought otherwise; Iraq spirals further into Hell despite the spin of a hundred Panglosses. History unfolds heedless of the illusions of its spectators and even, to a large extent, of its participants.

So our President knows Karl Rove is innocent of any wrongdoing, no matter what facts may bubble up from the tar pit he nurtured but cannot acknowledge. Because Bush cannot recognize the incompatibility between his knowledge and the facts that refute it, he cannot resolve that contradiction. Thus it falls to Patrick Fitzgerald to resolve it for him.

As the Plamegate case goes forward, and the evidence against Rove in the real world mounts, it is likely that Bush will, to his ruin, continue to cling to his belief even as the tsunami of contrary facts engulfs him. If we are lucky, those who are so blind that shall not see will decide that following Bush lemming-like into that abyss might not be such a good idea after all. And maybe, just maybe, after the deluge we will finally have a meaningful confrontation between the "reality-based community" in which facts matter and actions have consequences, and the fairy-tale world where Neocons and fundamentalists know things because, well, just because.
progressivephoenix
give that man a gold star! I had theological debates with fundies of all types to see this in action. Whether the proposition is "Jesus is God," or "Thomas Jefferson was a Christian," they always assume first, then find facts to support it. Where there are no facts, they make more assumptions.

Bush knows Rove is innocent because that is what Bush’s heart tells him; his brain is incapable of grasping the resulting circularity. This kind of knowledge, so widely and deeply embraced by his supporters, was the basis for Bush’s elevation to the White House.
graham4anything
yesterday was with a friend in a store,where they had evil talk radio in background, and it is sickening how they distort Wilson and Judith Miller.
They say everything Wilson says is a lie, and that Judith is the one who leaked.
So I loudly started saying (so the owner of the small store could hear), why are you listening to that crap, how could anyone believe those lies.

And you could see the guy getting "annoyed" at the conversation, but we were customers...
So I started speaking louder about Bush being the 3rd leaker himself,
and that any "idiot" who thought Miller was a problem has no intellegence because Novak specifically said 2 Senior Bush admin. figures, and even if Miller said something, those 2 SEnior officials would not be allowed to repeat top secret info.

Then I said that Bush or cheney himself is probably the #3 leaker and if not, why are they getting lawyers?
Why are they trying to Archibald Cox the special prosecutor?
Remember Elliott Richardson quit rather than fire him, and they ended up with Robert Bork doing the dirty deed(all names come back again and again)
If you are not guilty, why are they covering it up?

Needless to say, we left without buying anything (although I don't think that was a baseball bat that just missed my head (just kidding)...

How do they get away with saying lies on the public airwaves like they do?

bush doesn't fire Rove, because once you start doing that, they start speaking. They will all go down together, and if they don't the nation as we knew it once will never again exist if it is just a pat on the back on the way out, and new government jobs and pardons for all of them.

Let's hope Fitz has a great security force guarding him.
graham4anything
talking about it right now on Chris Matthews syndicated show with guests
Bob Woodward and others (NBC in NY area)
ollie
Daily Kos reports on a new Time article which says that the Plame leak came from a source inside of the administration!

http://www.dailykos.com/storyonly/2005/7/31/142441/613
winston smith
QUOTE(progressivephoenix @ Jul 30 2005, 03:39 PM)
...Whether the proposition is "Jesus is God," or "Thomas Jefferson was a Christian,"  they always assume first, then find facts to support it.  Where there are no facts, they make...
*

...not new assumptions, pp, but new facts. reporter.gif

What they hope when they present one of these 'facts' is that no one will check on its authenticity before it is printed or broadcast. Once that happens, then everyone else uses the erroniously recorded 'fact' as evidence for their own 'facts.' It's an old McCarthyism trick- tell a lie for the press in the morning and it's a fact by the evening edition. whistling.gif
kansasgirl
Sources Tell 'Time' Bush Officials Learned Plame CIA Link Early--and Not from Media

By E&P Staff

Published: July 31, 2005 11:55 AM ET

NEW YORK Time magazine is reporting today on its Web site that according to its sources "some" White House officials may have learned that CIA officer Valerie Plame was married to former ambassador Joseph Wilson "weeks before his July 6, 2003, Op-Ed piece criticizing the Administration. That prospect increases the chances that White House official Karl Rove and others learned about Plame from within the Administration rather than from media contacts. Rove has told investigators he believes he learned of her directly or indirectly from reporters, according to his lawyer."

The Time account reveals that in the first week of June 2003 the CIA's public-affairs office received an inquiry about Wilson's trip to Africa from veteran Washington Post reporter Walter Pincus. "That office then contacted Plame's unit, which had sent Wilson to Niger, but stopped short of drafting an internal report," according to the magazine. "The same week, Under Secretary of State Marc Grossman asked for and received a memo on the Wilson trip from Carl Ford, head of the State Department's Bureau of Intelligence and Research." Sources familiar with the memo "say Secretary of State Colin Powell read it in mid-June." Deputy Secretary Richard Armitage may have received a copy too.

After Pincus' article ran on June 12, a former intelligence officer told Time, "there was general discussion with the National Security Council and the White House and State Department and others" about Wilson's trip and its origins.

The article concludes: "A source familiar with the memo says neither Powell nor Armitage spoke to the White House about it until after July 6. John McLaughlin, then deputy head of the CIA, confirms that the White House asked about the Wilson trip, but can't remember exactly when. One thing he's sure of, says McLaughlin, who has been interviewed by prosecutors, is that 'we looked into it and found the facts of it, and passed it on.'"





--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
E&P Staff
rox63
http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/...1088709,00.html

QUOTE
When They Knew
By MASSIMO CALABRESI
Sunday, Jul. 31, 2005

As the investigation tightens into the leak of the identity of covert CIA operative Valerie Plame, sources tell TIME some White House officials may have learned she was married to former ambassador Joseph Wilson weeks before his July 6, 2003, Op-Ed piece criticizing the Administration. That prospect increases the chances that White House official Karl Rove and others learned about Plame from within the Administration rather than from media contacts. Rove has told investigators he believes he learned of her directly or indirectly from reporters, according to his lawyer.

The previously undisclosed fact gathering began in the first week of June 2003 at the CIA, when its public-affairs office received an inquiry about Wilson's trip to Africa from veteran Washington Post reporter Walter Pincus. That office then contacted Plame's unit, which had sent Wilson to Niger, but stopped short of drafting an internal report. The same week, Under Secretary of State Marc Grossman asked for and received a memo on the Wilson trip from Carl Ford, head of the State Department's Bureau of Intelligence and Research. Sources familiar with the memo, which disclosed Plame's relationship to Wilson, say Secretary of State Colin Powell read it in mid-June. Deputy Secretary Richard Armitage may have received a copy then too.

When Pincus' article ran on June 12, the circle of senior officials who knew about the identity of Wilson's wife expanded. "After Pincus," a former intelligence officer says, "there was general discussion with the National Security Council and the White House and State Department and others" about Wilson's trip and its origins. A source familiar with the memo says neither Powell nor Armitage spoke to the White House about it until after July 6. John McLaughlin, then deputy head of the CIA, confirms that the White House asked about the Wilson trip, but can't remember exactly when. One thing he's sure of, says McLaughlin, who has been interviewed by prosecutors, is that "we looked into it and found the facts of it, and passed it on."

--By Massimo Calabresi. With reporting by Timothy J. Burger, Michael Duffy and Viveca Novak
rox63
http://thinkprogress.org/2005/07/31/growing-scandal/

QUOTE
Leaking Scandal Encircles More Administration Officials Than Previously Believed

Today, Time magazine reports that White House official Karl Rove and others may have learned “about Plame from within the Administration rather than from media contacts.”

Recall that for weeks, Rove, Libby, and company have been hiding behind reporters. It has been suggested to the special prosecutor that Rove first learned the identity of Plame from journalists.

A source says presidential confidant Karl Rove testified to a grand jury that he learned the identity of a C-I-A operative originally from a journalist. He then informally discussed the information with a Time magazine reporter days before the story broke.

And remember Rove’s own attorney said:

“[Rove has] told [investigators] that he believes he may have heard it from a journalist.” Asked who it was, the lawyer said, “I don’t think he’s able to identify that, or to identify precisely when he may have heard it.”

These assertions have forced the special prosecutor to threaten reporters with jail time if they did not come clean (NYT reporter Judith Miller, of course, currently sits in jail because, as her lawyer stated, “most likely somebody testified to the grand jury that he or she had spoken to Judy.”).

Now we’re learning that Rove, Libby, and others learned of Plame’s identity well before journalists knew who she was. The newest information asserts that White House officials learned of Plame after Walter Pincus of the Washington Post wrote an article on June 12, 2003 detailing evidence that existed prior to the State of the Union which should have prevented the President from suggesting Iraq was acquiring uranium from Africa. This information corroborates Robert Novak’s claim in his infamous July 14, 2003 column that outed Plame which said the White House sprung into action after “Walter Pincus revealed in the Washington Post June 12 that an unnamed retired diplomat had given the CIA a negative report.”

A former intelligence officer tells Time that after the damaging Pincus article was written:

“[T]here was general discussion with the National Security Council and the White House and State Department and others” about Wilson’s trip and its origins.

If these revelations are true, the least of Rove and Libby’s concerns is perjury. Today’s disclosure adds further evidence that the White Hose consciously dug out Plame’s identity, used it, and then engaged in a massive cover-up by pinning blame elsewhere. Moreover, it appears far more players were involved in this orchestrated, administration-wide effort than previously believed. The key question, if these revelations are true, is why did these administration officials lie so overtly to the special prosecutor? Knowing hard evidence would come out sooner or later against them (through leaks, emails, etc), the White House officials still chose to lie. What could they possibly be trying to hide? Perhaps this wasn’t just a “third-rate smear.”

Posted by Faiz at 1:57 pm
heritage
see also

http://www.commongroundcommonsense.org/for...T&f=228&t=34731
heritage
Bush won't get any rest on his "vacation"

"...if these revelations are true, is why did these administration officials lie so overtly to the special prosecutor? Knowing hard evidence would come out sooner or later against them (through leaks, emails, etc), the White House officials still chose to lie. What could they possibly be trying to hide? Perhaps this wasn’t just a “third-rate smear.” "
heritage
See also

http://www.commongroundcommonsense.org/for...ST&f=16&t=34773
Snuffysmith
http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/...1088709,00.html


MARK WILSON / GETTYRove is in the hot seat along with Powell
From the Magazine | Notebook
When They Knew

By MASSIMO CALABRESI

Posted Sunday, Jul. 31, 2005
As the investigation tightens into the leak of the identity of covert CIA operative Valerie Plame, sources tell TIME some White House officials may have learned she was married to former ambassador Joseph Wilson weeks before his July 6, 2003, Op-Ed piece criticizing the Administration. That prospect increases the chances that White House official Karl Rove and others learned about Plame from within the Administration rather than from media contacts. Rove has told investigators he believes he learned of her directly or indirectly from reporters, according to his lawyer.

The previously undisclosed fact gathering began in the first week of June 2003 at the CIA, when its public-affairs office received an inquiry about Wilson's trip to Africa from veteran Washington Post reporter Walter Pincus. That office then contacted Plame's unit, which had sent Wilson to Niger, but stopped short of drafting an internal report. The same week, Under Secretary of State Marc Grossman asked for and received a memo on the Wilson trip from Carl Ford, head of the State Department's Bureau of Intelligence and Research. Sources familiar with the memo, which disclosed Plame's relationship to Wilson, say Secretary of State Colin Powell read it in mid-June. Deputy Secretary Richard Armitage may have received a copy then too.

When Pincus' article ran on June 12, the circle of senior officials who knew about the identity of Wilson's wife expanded. "After Pincus," a former intelligence officer says, "there was general discussion with the National Security Council and the White House and State Department and others" about Wilson's trip and its origins. A source familiar with the memo says neither Powell nor Armitage spoke to the White House about it until after July 6. John McLaughlin, then deputy head of the CIA, confirms that the White House asked about the Wilson trip, but can't remember exactly when. One thing he's sure of, says McLaughlin, who has been interviewed by prosecutors, is that "we looked into it and found the facts of it, and passed it on." --By Massimo Calabresi. With reporting by Timothy J. Burger, Michael Duffy and Viveca Novak
Snuffysmith
QUOTE(rox63 @ Jul 30 2005, 11:08 PM)
Snuffy, what is the source of this story? Is there a link? If there is a reliable source, there are a number of people I want to send this to.

My reaction is the same as Winston's. HOLY "expletive deleted"!  blink.gif
*



Inside info or not, it's on the 'Net:

http://www.waynemadsenreport.com/

Presumably the media know about this
but do not believe it or have not confirmed it
Snuffysmith
http://www.nytimes.com/2005/08/01/politics...yv+CSUr5t+LWZbA

Spy's Notes on Iraqi Aims Were Shelved, Suit Says

By JAMES RISEN
Published: August 1, 2005
WASHINGTON, July 31 - The Central Intelligence Agency was told by an informant in the spring of 2001 that Iraq had abandoned a major element of its nuclear weapons program, but the agency did not share the information with other agencies or with senior policy makers, a former C.I.A. officer has charged.

In a lawsuit filed in federal court here in December, the former C.I.A. officer, whose name remains secret, said that the informant told him that Iraq's uranium enrichment program had ended years earlier and that centrifuge components from the scuttled program were available for examination and even purchase.

The officer, an employee at the agency for more than 20 years, including several years in a clandestine unit assigned to gather intelligence related to illicit weapons, was fired in 2004.

In his lawsuit, he says his dismissal was punishment for his reports questioning the agency's assumptions on a series of weapons-related matters. Among other things, he charged that he had been the target of retaliation for his refusal to go along with the agency's intelligence conclusions.

Michelle Neff, a C.I.A. spokeswoman, said the agency would not comment on the lawsuit.

It was not possible to verify independently the former officer's allegations concerning his reporting on illicit weapons.

His information on the Iraqi nuclear program, described as coming from a significant source, would have arrived at a time when the C.I.A. was starting to reconsider whether Iraq had revived its efforts to develop nuclear weapons. The agency's conclusion that this was happening, eventually made public by the Bush administration in 2002 as part of its rationale for war, has since been found to be incorrect.

While the existence of the lawsuit has previously been reported, details of the case have not been made public because the documents in his suit have been heavily censored by the government and the substance of the claims are classified. The officer's name remains secret, in part because disclosing it might jeopardize the agency's sources or operations.

Several people with detailed knowledge of the case provided information to The New York Times about his allegations, but insisted on anonymity because the matter is classified.

The former officer's lawyer, Roy W. Krieger, said he could not discuss his client's claims. He likened his client's situation to that of Valerie Wilson, also known as Valerie Plame, the clandestine C.I.A. officer whose role was leaked to the press after her husband publicly challenged some administration conclusions about Iraq's nuclear ambitions. (The former officer and Ms. Wilson worked in the same unit of the agency.)

"In both cases, officials brought unwelcome information on W.M.D. in the period prior to the Iraq invasion, and retribution followed," said Mr. Krieger, referring to weapons of mass destruction.

In court documents, the former officer says that he learned in 2003 that he was the subject of a counterintelligence investigation and accused of having sex with a female contact, a charge he denies. Eight months after learning of the investigation, he said in the court documents, the agency's inspector general's office informed him that he was under investigation for diverting to his own use money earmarked for payments to informants. He denies that, too.

The former officer's claims concerning his reporting on the Iraqi nuclear weapons program were not addressed in a report issued in March by the presidential commission that examined intelligence regarding such weapons in Iraq. He did not testify before the commission, Mr. Krieger said.

A former senior staff member of the commission said the panel was not aware of the officer's allegations. The claims were also not included in the 2004 report by the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence on prewar intelligence. He and his lawyer met with staff members of that Senate committee in a closed-door session last December, months after the report was issued.

In his lawsuit, the former officer said that in the spring of 2001, he met with a valuable informant who had examined and purchased parts of Iraqi centrifuges. Centrifuges are used to turn uranium into fuel for nuclear weapons. The informant reported that the Iraqi government had long since canceled its uranium enrichment program and that the C.I.A. could buy centrifuge components if it wanted to.

The officer filed his reports with the Counter Proliferation Division in the agency's clandestine espionage arm. The reports were never disseminated to other American intelligence agencies or to policy makers, as is typically done, he charged.

According to his suit, he was told that the agency already had detailed information about continuing Iraqi nuclear weapons efforts, and that his informant should focus on other countries.

He said his reports about Iraq came just as the agency was fundamentally shifting its view of Iraq's nuclear ambitions.

Throughout much of the 1990's, the C.I.A. and other United States intelligence agencies believed that Iraq had largely abandoned its nuclear weapons program. In December 2000, the intelligence agencies issued a classified assessment stating that Iraq did not appear to have taken significant steps toward the reconstitution of the program, according to the presidential commission report concerning illicit weapons.

But that assessment changed in early 2001 - a critical period in the intelligence community's handling of the Iraqi nuclear issue, the commission concluded. In March 2001, intelligence indicating that Iraq was seeking high-strength aluminum tubes from China greatly influenced the agency's thinking. Analysts soon came to believe that the only possible explanation for Iraq's purchase of the tubes was to develop high-tech centrifuges for a new uranium enrichment program.

By the following year, the agency's view had hardened, despite differing interpretations of the tubes' purposes by other intelligence experts. In October 2002, the National Intelligence Estimate, produced by the intelligence community under pressure from Congress, stated that most of the nation's intelligence agencies believed that Iraq was reconstituting its nuclear program, based in large part on the aluminum tubes.

The commission concluded that intelligence failures on the Iraqi nuclear issue were as serious and damaging as any other during the prelude to the Iraqi war. The nation's intelligence community was wrong "on what many would view as the single most important judgment it made" before the Iraq invasion in March 2003, the commission report said.

Mr. Krieger said he had asked the court handling the case to declassify his client's suit, but the C.I.A. had moved to classify most of his motion seeking declassification. He added that he recently sent a letter to the director of the F.B.I. requesting an investigation of his client's complaints, but that the C.I.A. had classified that letter, as well.

Most of the details of the case, he said, "were classified by the C.I.A., not to protect national security but to conceal politically embarrassing facts from public scrutiny."
rox63
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/theblog/arch...-file_4933.html

QUOTE
The Judy File

07.31.2005 Arianna Huffington

Ever since I started blogging about Judy Miller's role in Plamegate (and in the selling of the war in Iraq), I've been showered with tips and tidbits about the jailed reporter, whom one e-mailer from Sag Harbor ("her summer hometown") archly referred to as "the amazing Ms. Miller, intrepid girl reporter."

And since I spent the weekend in the vicinity of her summer hometown, some of what I heard was delivered by people who know her well. Together all these pieces of information now comprise my newly labeled -- and ever-expanding -- Judy File.

A recurring theme in many of the conversations and e-mails is how Judy, to the dismay of many of her colleagues, never played by the same rules and standards as other reporters. One source e-mailed to give me some examples of this pattern: "In Feb 2003, Judy was in Salahuddin covering the Iraqi opposition conclave. Iraqi National Congress spokesperson Zaab Sethna told a reporter who was also there that Judy was staying with Chalabi's group in Salahuddin (the rest of the reporters had to stay 30 minutes away in crappy hotels in Irbil), and that the I.N.C. had provided her with a car and a translator (Did the New York Times reimburse them?). The I.N.C. offered another reporter the same, but he turned it down. Judy had just arrived in a bus convoy from Turkey, big footing C.J. Chivers, who was also there covering the story for the Times. While everyone else on the buses had to scramble for accommodations, she was staying in a luxurious villa loaned to the I.N.C. by the Kurdish Democratic Party...

"Two years earlier, she was on assignment in Paris for the Times and conducted her reporting out of the ambassador's personal residence, where she was staying. Felix Rohatyn, the ambassador at the time, was out of town, but it would be interesting to know whether the Times reimbursed U.S. taxpayers for the use of the embassy while she was there on assignment. What is certain is that the Paris bureau was buzzing about this at the time, as getting too close to sources or accepting hospitality -- accommodations, meals -- is a violation of the Times's ethical standards. The feeling was that somehow Judy was able to do whatever she wanted."

For those interested in visiting Judy at the Alexandria Detention Center, one source emailed that Miller's visiting hours "are fully booked until September 15."

Another I ran into told me that the Committee to Protect Journalists is very divided over Miller: "There are those of us who feel that this is not a good case for us to be identified with. There are too many unknowns and too much that's murky here."

The AP reported on Friday that a delegation of the Committee to Protect Journalists (clearly not including those who do not believe that protecting Judy Miller is what they should be doing) visited her last week. During her meeting with the group, which included Tom Brokaw, Miller wore a dark green uniform with "PRISONER" written on the back.

According to the CPJ reps who visited her, Miller told them that while she is allowed to read and write in jail, she's been permitted to go outside only two times in the three weeks she's been locked up. I can't figure this one out. Are prison authorities worried she might get in trouble in the yard? Convince her fellow inmates that Iraq did indeed have (as she wrote in Sept 2002) "12,500 gallons of anthrax, 2,500 gallons of gas gangrene, 1,250 gallons of aflotoxin and 2,000 gallons of botulism throughout the country"?

Besides being able to read and write, she's also able to make long-distance phone calls (collect, I assume). According to a source, she used one of her allowed calls to phone her publisher pal Mort Zuckerman to complain about a Lloyd Grove column that ran in Zuckerman's New York Daily News, in which Grove reported, correctly, that while Miller is in jail her husband, "famed editor Jason Epstein," is cruising around the Mediterranean aboard the Silver Shadow cruise liner. The Grove column included a delicious riff from Chris Buckley. Miller, apparently, was not amused. Grove's piece also featured a priceless quote from Miller's attorney Bob Bennett who, when asked about Epstein's travels, replied, "We all serve our time in our own way."

Speaking of Bennett, we had a brief but memorable e-exchange with him on Friday, when the HuffPost contacted him to ask about a tip I'd gotten that Miller was in the process of negotiating a book deal about her Plamegate/prison experiences. When asked to confirm the story, Bennett e-mailed back a lawyerly: "Where did you get this info?" Was he expecting me to give him the name, address, and blood type of my source? We replied that I had heard it through "publishing sources" -- to which he emailed back: "No Comment".

Thanks, Bob. Should we take "No Comment" to mean "yes" -- since if you'd meant "no" you surely would have said so? Unsolicited advice to Alice Mayhew, Judy Miller's legendary editor at Simon and Schuster (if she's the one negotiating with Bennett): Hold your horses or, if you can't, keep the advance very low. A reporter going to jail to protect her own ass and not a source smells like remainder to me. But what worries my Times sources the most is that it smells like the straw that could break the Gray Lady's back. A lot hinges on how much of what Judy knows Bill Keller and Arthur Sulzberger also know. Keller has been very cagey on the subject. When asked by George Stephanopoulos on Nightline if he knew who Miller's source was, he refused to say yes or no.

And no fewer than four sources have either e-mailed, called, or, in one case, run up to me on the street to tell me that what I termed Miller's "especially close relationship" with Chief Warrant Officer Richard Gonzales, the leader of the WMD-hunting unit Miller was embedded with during the war, might have been, well, very close indeed. According to one insider, Miller had emailed a picture of Gonzales to a colleague at the Times with the message "Lucky Lady".

So thanks to all those who contributed to the Judy File... which is open and ready for more. Keep 'em coming...

Posted at 02:40 PM
rox63
If this scenario (immunity) comes to pass, you will hear my anguished cries of frustration all the way to the west coast. sad.gif blink.gif doh.gif

http://www.oxfordpress.com/hp/content/shar...01CIA_LEAK.html

QUOTE
Is immunity in offing as Congress looks at Plame case?

By SCOTT SHEPARD
Cox News Service
Monday, August 01, 2005

WASHINGTON — As Congress tip-toes into the controversy over the leak of CIA agent Valerie Plame's identity, some lawmakers and analysts worry that the criminal investigation of the matter could be undermined by any congressional grant of immunity from prosecution, as has happened in the past in politically charged investigations.

The cases of key Iran-contra figures Oliver North and John Poindexter underscore their worries: both were prosecuted and convicted by independent counsel Lawrence Walsh, but their convictions were overturned because Congress had granted them immunity in order to compel them to testify in the congressional investigation of the Reagan administration's arms-for-hostages deals.

Walsh, in his final report on the White House brokering arms deals with Iranian terrorists to free American hostages and diverting arms sales profits to anti-government guerrillas in Nicaragua, complained that Congress had "infinitely complicated" his efforts to prosecute North and Poindexter or to force them to testify about the activities of higher-ups in the Reagan administration.

"Immunity is ordinarily given by a prosecutor to a witness who will incriminate someone more important than himself," Walsh wrote. "Congress gave immunity to North and Poindexter, who incriminated only themselves and who largely exculpated those responsible for the initiation, supervision and support of their activities."

Walsh concluded with a word of caution to future lawmakers: "Congress should be aware of the fact that future immunity grants, at least in such highly publicized cases, will likely rule out criminal prosecution."

Consequently, because recent disclosures that senior White House aides Karl Rove and Lewis "Scooter" Libby were sources for Time magazine reports about Plame, some lawmakers and analysts are reprising the warnings of Walsh to the congressional intelligence committee chairmen as they plan hearings on the leak.

Sen. Frank Lautenberg, D-N.J., for example, is drafting letters of caution to the chairmen, Republican Sen. Pat Roberts of Kansas and Republican Rep. Pete Hoekstra of Michigan.

"The (congressional) hearings should not be used as a ruse to provide White House officials with immunity," Lautenberg said in a statement late Friday.

Roberts and Hoekstra could not be reached for comment, and their spokesmen at their committees did not respond immediately to requests for details about the upcoming hearings.

Tom Blanton, president of the National Security Archive and a leading expert on the Iran-contra scandal, noted some differences in the situation facing Roberts and Hoekstra and the one facing the co-chairs of the Iran-contra investigation, Sen. Daniel Inouye, D-Hawaii, and then-Rep. Lee Hamilton, D-Ind., most notably the timing of the criminal investigations.

Walsh was just getting his investigation started when Congress granted immunity to North and Poindexter, and Congress was anxious to discover the facts of the still unfolding events of the Iran-contra affair, Blanton noted.

On the other hand, Patrick Fitzgerald, the independent counsel appointed to investigate the leaking of Plame's name, has been at work for two years already "and, hopefully, has some idea of what happened and whether any crimes have been committed," he added.

Still, "you always have to be careful with granting immunity to witnesses," Blanton said.

Similarly, David Garrow, noted author and Emory University law professor, agreed that any prosecution arising from the special investigation could be undermined "if the Congress did immunize people." But he questioned whether the planners of the upcoming congressional hearings "are that Machiavellian."

After much prodding by former CIA officials and Democratic lawmakers, Roberts and Hoekstra said last week that their panels would hold hearings on issues raised by the public disclosure of Plame's identity, reportedly by the White House in political vendetta for her husband's critique of pre-war intelligence about Iraqi weapons of mass destruction.

It is unclear, however, when those hearings will be held and what exactly they will examine.

Hoekstra, in a mid-week speech at the conservative Heritage Foundation, said his hearings would focus on toughening federal laws barring the unauthorized disclosure of classified information.

But he declined to comment on the extent to which his hearings would examine the leaking of Plame's name to reporters after her husband, ambassador Joseph Wilson, questioned some of the claims made by the White House about Iraq's nuclear capabilities prior to the war.

In addition, early last week, Roberts suggested to Time magazine and CNN that his committee would look into the leak of Plame's identity as part of an examination of how the CIA determines which officials at the agency get "covert" status. But by mid-week, Roberts was quoted by other news organizations as saying he would limit the hearings to the issue of "covert" status.

"It's silly that someone would assume that we should take the role of a special prosecutor," he told a home state newspaper, the Wichita Eagle.

But his spokeswoman, Sarah Little, said the Senate hearings would look into the two-year probe by Fitzgerald, her comments coming after editorial columns in the Wall Street Journal labeled Fitzgerald a "loose cannon" and an "unguided missile."
kansasgirl
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/conte...5080101324.html

Bush: Rove has 'my compete confidence' despite leak

Reuters
Monday, August 1, 2005; 8:38 PM

WASHINGTON (Reuters) - President Bush on Monday declared "complete confidence" in his top political adviser, Karl Rove, despite his alleged role in leaking a covert CIA operative's identity, according to an interview.

Federal investigators are trying to determine who outed covert CIA agent Valerie Plame, whose name first appeared in a column by newspaper journalist Robert Novak on July 14, 2003.


"Karl's got my complete confidence. He's a valuable member of my team," Bush said in his strongest defense yet of Rove, the architect of his presidential campaigns.

Bush made his comments in a roundtable interview with several Texas newspapers, portions of which were posted online by Knight Ridder Newspapers.

Plame's husband, former diplomat Joseph Wilson, said the leak was meant to discredit him for criticizing Bush's Iraq policy in 2003 after a CIA-funded trip to investigate whether Niger helped supply nuclear materials to Baghdad.

Rove was the first person to tell a Time magazine reporter that Wilson's wife worked at the CIA, but did not disclose her name, according to the reporter.

NOVAK BREAKS SILENCE

Novak broke his silence on the case on Monday to challenge a former CIA spokesman who said that he had warned Novak not to publish the agent's name.

Bill Harlow, the former CIA spokesman cited by Novak, told the Washington Post last week that he had testified before a grand jury about conversations he had with Novak at least three days before the column was published.

Harlow said he warned Novak, in the strongest terms he was permitted to use without revealing classified information, that Wilson's wife had not authorized the trip to Niger and that if he did write about it, her name should not be revealed, the Post reported.

Novak, in his column on Monday, brushed aside Harlow's comments about warning him.

"That is meaningless. Once it was determined that Wilson's wife suggested the mission, she could be identified as 'Valerie Plame' by reading her husband's entry in 'Who's Who in America,"' Novak wrote, referring to a publication that compiles information about prominent people.

Novak wrote that he "never would have written those sentences (in July 2003) if Bill Harlow, then-CIA Director George Tenet or anybody else from the agency had told me that Valerie Plame Wilson's disclosure would endanger her or anybody else."

The White House has refused in recent weeks to comment on the case after initially denying that Rove involved.

"Why don't you wait and see what the true facts are?" Bush said on Monday in the roundtable interview.

Democrats have urged Bush to fire Rove or revoke his access to classified information. It is against the law in some cases to knowingly reveal the identity of an undercover CIA officer.

The special prosecutor investigating the case could also be considering charges of obstruction of justice or perjury.

Bush said last month that he would fire anyone found to have acted illegally in the case, but critics accused him of lowering the "ethics bar." Bush and his aides have at times in the past been broader in saying that those involved in the leak would face consequences.
tazvil04
Karl Rove in deep do-do? The man who always ends up smellin’ rosy.

By

http://www.yesweekly.com/main.asp?SectionI...=389&TM=77094.4

Karl Rove is the political advisor to the Bush administration who has been called at various turns “the Architect,” “Superman” and “the Boy Genius.” He’s scrambling these days to vindicate himself of any wrongdoing in the Valerie Plame affair. Smart money says he’ll walk away from this with nary a scratch on his figurative political hide, mainly because Rove is slicker than a greased weasel and harder to pin down than a debutante during her coming out ball.

Allegations of unscrupulous behavior have followed Rove in a particularly distasteful wake since 1970, when at 19 he lifted a stack of letterhead stationary from the Chicago campaign headquarters of Alan Dixon, a Democrat running for Illinois state treasurer. The pages resurfaced in the city’s red light district bearing invitations to Dixon’s offices for “free beer, free food, girls and a good time for nothing.”

Rove got pinched for this one only because he admitted his role in what he later called “a political prank.”

Rove was also accused of dirty tricks when he took over the College Republicans in the Nixon era, an accusation that resulted in an investigation by the chairman of the Republican National Committee who subsequently cleared Rove of all charges and then promptly hired him. That man was George HW Bush, who later fired him during his second presidential campaign because he suspected that he had leaked information to a newspaper columnist named Robert Novak.

Any of this sound familiar?

But over the years Rove has been charged with more than just loose lips. He apprenticed under Donald Segretti, Nixon’s head stooge who coined the term ‘ratf--king’ and eventually served six months in federal prison in 1974, mainly for distributing a forged letter about a political rival on stolen letterhead stationery. While working under Segretti Rove probably played a role in the attempt to color 1972 Democratic presidential candidate George McGovern, a decorated pilot in WWII, as a left-wing ‘peacenik.’ Déjà vu?

In the 1986 gubernatorial race in Texas, a neck-and-neck contest between incumbent Democrat Mark White and Rove’s guy Bill Clements, Rove told the press that his office had been bugged. There was no proof, but Clements won the election by a narrow margin.

In the 1994 Texas gubernatorial race Rove masterminded the younger Bush’s campaign against incumbent Ann Richards. Telephone ‘pollsters’ began circulating rumors that Richards was not only overly tolerant of gays and lesbians, but that her staff was “dominated” by them. During that time, information leaked to the media about Lena Guerrero, an up and coming Texas Democrat, insinuating that she lied about graduating college, foreshortened her political career.

In the 2000 Republican presidential primaries John McCain was a frontrunner until rumors began circulating about his character, including accusations from a Vietnam veteran who claimed that the Senator was a “stoolie” while being held prisoner in the Hanoi Hilton. McCain was also rumored to have fathered a black child out of wedlock. Another story that made the rounds insinuated that he was gay.

But none of these incidents can be traced directly back to Rove, who has managed to keep a clean sheet since his teenage “prank” back in Chicago in 1970. In the Valerie Plame affair, we feel that Rove’s savvy and cunning (and also the administration’s dependency on him) will probably keep him out of the soup.

And Rove has a knack for turning negative situations into positive ones. His other nickname around the White House is “Turd Blossom,” a Texas euphemism for flowers that bloom in cattle excrement.

Related Links
rox63
Lots of good data in the following DKos post:

http://www.dailykos.com/story/2005/8/2/111115/2123

QUOTE
Rovegate Reset

by Armando
Tue Aug 2nd, 2005 at 08:11:15 PDT

From a Dem Senate staffer's office:

Top GOP Fictions on the White House Leak Case Refuted: The Right-Wing Attack Machine is running at full speed to defend Karl Rove, Scooter Libby, and other Bush Administration insiders implicated in the leaking of CIA officer Valerie Plame's identity. It should come as no surprise that Karl Rove's defense is being scripted from his own playbook: distort, distract and divide. The attacks confuse fact with fiction. Here's how.

What Did the President Know and When Did He Know It?

Fiction: The President can be trusted to get to the bottom of this.

Fact: The President and his spokesman repeatedly said they wanted to get to the bottom of things, but they have expressed shifting standards of accountability as the investigation has developed to include high level officials.

McClellan - September 29, 2003: "The President has set high standards, the highest of standards for people in his administration. He's made it very clear to people in his administration that he expects them to adhere to the highest standards of conduct. If anyone in this administration was involved in it, they would no longer be in this administration." - Scott McClellan WH Briefing, September 29, 2003

George Bush: "I don't know of anybody in my administration who leaked classified information. If somebody did leak classified information, I'd like to know it, and we'll take the appropriate action." Chicago, Illinois, September 30, 2003

McClellan - October 7, 2003: "Let me answer what the President has said. I speak for the President and I'll talk to you about what he wants." and "If someone leaked classified information, the President wants to know. If someone in this administration leaked classified information, they will no longer be a part of this administration, because that's not the way this White House operates, that's not the way this President expects people in his administration to conduct their business." - Scott McClellan  October 7, 2003 WH Briefing

George Bush: Responding to media question referring to "anybody who leaked the agent's [Valerie Plame's] name" and the question "do you stand by your pledge to fire anyone found to have done so," the President responded, "Yes. And that's up to the U.S. Attorney to find the facts." - Savannah, Georgia, June 10, 2004

Bush:  "If someone committed a crime, they will no longer work in my administration." [USA Today, 7/18/05]


Fiction: Valerie Plame's identity could have been discovered by looking at the almanac, Who's Who in America, thus somehow allowing Bob Novak to have discovered who she was on his own.

Fact: Not only does the Almanac not list Valerie Wilson's employer as the C.I.A., Novak's latest version of events contradicts his previous assertions that he received the information of her identity from others.

"Novak, in an interview, said his sources had come to him with the information. "I didn't dig it out, it was given to me," he said. "'They thought it was significant, they gave me the name and I used it.'" [Newsday, 7/22/03]

Fiction: Rove and Libby weren't really leaking because their statements were made to steer reporters away from bad information, not to blow Plame's cover.

Fact: There was nothing bad about the information. Wilson returned from Africa with no evidence that Iraq had tried to purchase uranium from Niger, findings now admitted to be true.

The White House formally repudiated the President's claim, in his 2003 State of the Union address, that Iraq had sought to purchase uranium from Africa.  [MSNBC, 9/26/03]

CIA Director George Tenet later confirmed the uranium story was false. [CNN.com, 7/11/03]

Condi Rice did too. [CNN.com, 7/11/03]

And Stephen Hadley. [Associated Press, 7/23/03]

According to a recent Gallup poll, 51% of those surveyed now believe the Bush Administration deliberately misled the American public about Iraq's weapons of mass destruction.  [CNN/USA Today/Gallup poll, June 22-24, 2005]

And maybe they have good reason: no weapons of mass destruction have been found in Iraq.

Furthermore, the reason for the leak - even had it stemmed from concern for accuracy in journalism -- doesn't matter.

* The Intelligence Identities Act makes it a crime to intentionally reveal the identity of a covert officer.  [Congressional Research Service Report "Intelligence Identities Protection Act," October 2003]

The Espionage Act makes it a crime to willfully disclose classified information -- like, say, from a State Department memo labeled "Top Secret"-- that could be used against the United States Government.  [18 USC §793(d) and (e)]

The non-disclosure agreement signed by Executive Branch employees who handle classified information states that it is a violation of the agreement to confirm information without first checking to see that it is no longer classified.  Even if you do so only negligently.  [Standard Form 312, "Classified Information Nondisclosure Agreement" and accompanying booklet]

Keep that in mind as you re-read Matt Cooper's recollection of his conversation with Karl Rove:

Rove told me material was going to be declassified in the coming days that would cast doubt on Wilson's mission and his findings...Rove did, however, clearly indicate that she worked at the 'agency' -- by that, I told the grand jury, I inferred that he obviously meant the CIA and not, say, the Environmental Protection Agency.  Rove added that she worked on 'WMD' (the abbreviation for weapons of mass destruction) issues and that she was responsible for sending Wilson.  This was the first time I had heard anything about Wilson's wife."  [Time, July 25, 2005]

Fiction:  Valerie Plame wasn't really covert or undercover.

Fact:  Valerie Plame was a covert officer of the CIA.

Since her exposure two years ago, the CIA has consistently said that she was a covert officer.  [NY Times, 7/28]

The CIA wouldn't have referred the case to the Justice Department if Plame was not a covert employee. CIA

submits a standard 11 part questionnaire used by the DOJ  to determine whether an investigation is warranted -- Washington Post, 10/1/03]

* Former CIA officers have testified that she was covert from her first day at the Agency:

I worked with this woman...She has been undercover for three decades.  She is not, as Bob Novak suggested, a CIA analyst...people she meets with overseas could be compromised.  When you start tracing back who she met with, even people who innocently met with her, who are not involved in CIA operations, could be compromised.  For these journalists to argue that this is no big deal, and if I hear another Republican operative suggesting that well, this was just an analyst, fine, let them go undercover."  [Larry Johnson on Newshour, PBS, 9/30/03]

There are thousands of undercover CIA employees who drive through the three gates at CIA Headquarters in McLean, Virginia everyday. [Larry Johnson]

Even Plame's neighbors had no idea she was CIA.  [USA Today, 7/24]

It's simply not credible to believe that the Special Prosecutor would still be investigating so aggressively if Ms. Plame was not covert.

Fiction:  Joe Wilson's wife sent him to Niger on some sort of nepotistic junket.

Fact:  This ignores CIA guidelines and what the Agency itself has said, not to mention the uestion of choosing Niger as a holiday destination.

Plame didn't have the authority to send her husband to Niger.  [Testimony of Larry Johnson, DPC Hearing 7/22]

Wilson wasn't paid for his services. [NY Times, 7/6/03]

Wilson, who has served as Senior Director for African Affairs at the National Security Council and as Ambassador to multiple African countries, was not an illogical choice to send on the mission.  ["Ambassador Joseph C. Wilson, IV - Our Team," Corporate and Public Strategy Advisory Group website, 7/26]

* Niger has been in the news for another reason recently: its population faces the risk of mass starvation and resulting epidemics.  Some junket. [Voice of America, 7/29]

Fiction:  Joe Wilson is a liar who said Cheney sent him to Niger when he didn't.

Fact:  As many times as the Republican talking heads put words in Joe Wilson's mouth, it doesn't make them true.

Wilson never said he was sent by Cheney. Period.  [Salon.com, 7/13]

The White House has shown a persistent unwillingness to consider intelligence that conflicted with what it wanted to hear.  If Cheney and other high-ranking officials didn't end up getting Wilson's report after asking the CIA to investigate, it says more about the Bush Administration's approach to intelligence than it does about Wilson's mission to Niger.

Fiction:  The special prosecutor is engaged in some sort of crusade to infringe upon the First Amendment rights of reporters.

Fact: Reporter Judith Miller is in jail, for which the source who refuses to provide a specific waiver bears sole responsibility.

* But regardless of what one thinks of a federal shield law for journalists it doesn't yet exist.  And if a common law privilege existed, all three D.C. Circuit Court judges who considered the case have said that it would be an exception to that privilege.  [In re Grand Jury Subpoena (Miller), 397 F.3d 964 (D.C. Cir., 2005)]

Fiction:  Alberto Gonzales's decision to inform Andy Card of the opening of an investigation at least 12 hours before White House staff is completely justified by the fact that he had the ok of the Justice Department to delay his disclosure.

Fact:  Ashcroft had to recuse himself in December 2003 from the investigation and Alberto Gonzales was on record saying that the investigation raised issues of separation of powers issues.

The New York Times reported in 2003 that senior criminal prosecutors and FBI officials criticized the Attorney General's failure to recuse himself or to appoint a special counsel.  The officials, who spoke on the condition of anonymity, said that whether the Attorney General should step aside has been discussed in the department and by his own senior advisors.  They "fear Mr. Ashcroft could be damaged by continuing accusations that as an attorney general with a long career in Republican partisan politics, he could not credibly lead a criminal investigation that centered on the aides to a Republican president."  [NY Times, 10/16/03]

When Alberto Gonzales was White House Counsel, he claimed that Congressional suggestions about how to handle the leak were unconstitutional: "We believe it is inconsistent with the constitution's separation-of-powers principles for members of Congress to direct the president's management of White House employees."  [Reuters, 10/15/03]

Fiction:  The Senate is now finally going to investigate.

Fact:  Senator Roberts has said he will first ask whether the CIA really knows what "covert" means, then investigate the investigation.  [Reuters, 7/25/05]

* Senator Roberts's parroting of the RNC talking points show he's simply not serious about getting to the bottom of what happened.  If he was serious about these issues, he would have begun the Phase II intelligence hearings months ago.  [See Boston Globe, 7/27]

Fiction:  The House is now finally going to investigate, starting by asking how we can strengthen our laws regarding classified information.

Fact:  Laws already exist, they're just not being enforced.

* If Rep. Hoekstra really wants to talk about laws protecting classified information, shouldn't he begin by asking why the President hasn't enforced Executive Order 12958, the law already on the books?

Fiction:  When Democrats raise questions about this breach of national security they are launching political attacks.

Fact:  This case is about national security.

* Just ask Col. W. Patrick Lang (ret'd), former director of the Defense Human Intelligence Service, why this case matters.  Here's what he'll tell you:

[When] the major country in the world, deliberately, and apparently for trivial and passing political reasons, decides to disclose the identity of a covert officer, the word goes around the world like a shock [that], "The Americans can't be trusted If you decide to cooperate clandestinely with the Americans, someone back there will give you up, and then everything will be over for you."  So you don't do it.  [DPC Hearing, 7/22/05]

Fiction:  The refusal of the White House to act or give any explanation to the American public is justified by the ongoing criminal investigation.

Fact:  Bush could demand accountability from his staff now.


The White House used to comment despite the ongoing investigation - when they had more favorable things to say. [White House Press Briefing, 9/29/03]

Executive Order 12958, which the President signed in March 2003, says the White House has an affirmative legal obligation to investigate any leaks and punish those responsible.  If they didn't have reason before Matthew Cooper's article in Time, they do now.

It's not like the White House isn't talking, it's just not issuing its statements directly.  The consistency of the statements coming from Rove and Libby's defenders shows a coordinated communications effort.  It's just not happening on the record by White House spokespeople.  [White House Press Briefing, 7/11/05 - Present Day.]
Snuffysmith
08.02.2005 Arianna Huffington

Kaus Misses the Mark on the Miller Story
Mickey and Judy: I liked this pairing better when it was Rooney and Garland… Mickey Kaus must be spending time in Washington with some of Karl Rove’s friends. They are apparently getting nervous since, as The Note makes clear this morning, Fitzgerald may be closing in on Rove. So the Roveians have begun grasping at wish-fulfillment straws, such as the idea that what Kaus calls the Judy Theory in some way -- any way! -- exonerates Rove. I actually don’t know of anyone -- certainly not me -- who is suggesting that Judy Miller was the ONLY source of the Plame-is-CIA info. Indeed, I have repeatedly said just the opposite -- that Miller was only one of the many people who wanted to discredit Wilson so as to discredit his story discrediting the administration’s Saddam-is-building-nukes claims. What makes the Miller angle unique and compelling is that she was, for heaven’s sake, theoretically an objective member of the media and not some White House hack with a partisan agenda. Theoretically.

The odds are very high that the info on Valeria Plame poured into the White House from multiple sources -- from Cheney and Libby’s arm-twisting visits to Langley, from all the neocons -- including Doug Feith -- with inside intelligence info, from the State Dept. memo. Maybe even from new UN ambassador John Bolton. But none of them had a front-page byline on the paper of record or have undergone an Extreme Reputation Makeover (“Tonight at 10, see our Extreme Makeover team turn a discredited WMD hyper into a dazzling champion of the First Amendment!”) … P.S.: If you want to understand how liberals really feel about the Judy Theory read Matthew Yglesias … P.P.S.: In fact, I believe that when all is said and done neither Miller nor Rove nor Libby nor anyone in the White House nor Kaus’ neocon pals will have anything to celebrate.
kansasgirl
http://www.nytimes.com/2005/08/03/politics/03leak.html?

2 Aides to Rove Testify in C.I.A. Leak Inquiry

By DAVID JOHNSTON
Published: August 3, 2005
WASHINGTON, Aug. 2 - Two aides to Karl Rove, the senior White House adviser, testified last Friday before a federal grand jury investigating whether government officials illegally disclosed the identity of an undercover C.I.A. operative, according to a person who has been officially briefed on the case.

The aides, Susan B. Ralston and Israel Hernandez, were asked about grand jury testimony given on July 13 by Matthew Cooper, a reporter for Time magazine, the person who was briefed said. Mr. Cooper has said that he testified about a July 11, 2003, conversation with Mr. Rove in which the C.I.A. officer was discussed.

The aides' grand jury appearances were first reported by ABC News and provided the first sign that the prosecutor in the case was interested in following up on Mr. Cooper's testimony with more questions for the White House about Mr. Rove. A person sympathetic to Mr. Rove said that the questions seemed typical of those posed by a prosecutor wrapping up the loose ends of an inquiry.

That person and the one who has been briefed spoke only on the condition of anonymity because the prosecutor has warned people not to discuss the case.

At one point, the aides were asked why Mr. Cooper's call to Mr. Rove was not entered in Mr. Rove's office telephone logs. There was no record of the call, the person who has been briefed said, because Mr. Cooper did not call Mr. Rove directly, but was transferred to his office from a White House switchboard.

The aides have worked closely with Mr. Rove, screening his calls and coordinating his activities with other White House officials. Mr. Hernandez had been an aide to President Bush since his successful campaign for governor of Texas in 1994, and Ms. Ralston is known as one of Mr. Rove's most trusted associates.

Ms. Ralston still works with Mr. Rove, while Mr. Hernandez has moved to the Commerce Department. Telephone calls to their offices on Tuesday were not returned.

The telephone conversation between Mr. Rove and Mr. Cooper is one of two conversations in a one-week period in July 2003 that the prosecutor, Patrick J. Fitzgerald, has focused on. The second was between Mr. Rove and Robert D. Novak, the syndicated columnist, as Mr. Novak was preparing a column in which he named the C.I.A. officer.

Mr. Fitzgerald has focused on whether in the identification of the officer, Valerie Wilson, there was a deliberate effort to retaliate against her husband, Joseph C. Wilson IV, for his criticism of the Bush administration's policy on Iraq. In an Op-Ed article in The New York Times on July 6, 2003, Mr. Wilson, a former diplomat, wrote that when he traveled to Niger in 2002 as a government emissary, he found little evidence to support a claim made by Mr. Bush a year later that Iraq had tried to acquire nuclear fuel there.

On July 14, 2003, Mr. Novak wrote that Mr. Wilson had been sent to Africa by his wife, who worked for the Central Intelligence Agency. Mr. Fitzgerald is examining whether anyone in the government violated a law making it a crime to disclose the name of a covert officer deliberately.

In an article in Time last month about his grand jury appearance, Mr. Cooper wrote that he had telephoned the White House and been transferred to Mr. Rove's office.

"I believe a woman answered the phone and said words to the effect that Rove wasn't there," Mr. Cooper wrote, "or was busy before going on vacation. But then I recall she said something like 'hang on,' and I was transferred to him."

Mr. Cooper wrote that Mr. Rove told him that Ms. Wilson had worked at the C.I.A. and had been responsible for sending her husband to Africa. But Mr. Cooper added that Mr. Rove did not identify Ms. Wilson by name or suggest that he knew of her status as a covert officer.
ConcernedObserver
Why were Karl Rove's aides called before the grand jury?
We're learning a little more -- but only a little -- this morning about why two of Karl Rove's top aides were called before Patrick Fitzgerald's grand jury last week.

According to a report in today's New York Times, Susan Ralston, who works for Rove at the White House, and Israel "Izzy" Hernandez, a former Rove aide who's now at the Commerce Department, were questioned Friday about testimony that Time's Matthew Cooper gave the grand jury earlier in July.

A source tells the Times that the aides were asked why Cooper's July 11, 2003, telephone call to Rove -- the one in which Rove apparently told Cooper that Joseph Wilson's wife worked at the CIA -- wasn't listed on the phone log for Rove's office. The source says there was no record of the call because Cooper did not call Rove's office directly but was transferred there instead by a White House operator.

If that's the most important piece of the Rove aides' testimony, it isn't exactly a bombshell -- indeed, reading deeply into the tea leaves, one could imagine that the testimony undercut a prosecution theory that the lack of a record suggested that Rove's office was trying to hide the fact that he had spoken with Cooper at all. It wouldn't be a crazy theory, exactly: As we noted a couple of weeks ago, Rove apparently forgot to mention his conversation with Cooper when he first talked with investigators about the outing of Valerie Plame.

But what may be more significant about the aides' grand jury appearances is that they happened at all. Back in April, Fitzgerald said in a court filing that, by October 2004, he had "for all practical purposes" completed his factual investigation of the Plame case but for "the testimony of [Judith] Miller and Cooper and any further investigation that might result from such testimony." Fitzgerald got Cooper's testimony last month, and it should be pretty clear to him by now that he's never going to have Miller's. By calling in the two Rove aides, Fitzgerald has made it pretty clear to anyone staking out the grand jury room that he's not done yet.
http://www.salon.com/politics/war_room/pri...ides/index.html
Snuffysmith
http://www.democracynow.org/article.pl?sid=05/08/04/1357248



Exclusive: New Information May Reveal Key Details on Judith Miller's Role in the Rove/CIA Scandal

In a rare interview, veteran investigative journalist Murray Waas reveals new information on the federal investigation into the leaking of the identity of undercover CIA operative Valerie Plame and the role of jailed New York Times reporter Judith Miller. We also speak with Plame's husband, Ambassador Joe Wilson about the latest developments in the case. [includes rush transcript]
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Today, we are going to take a comprehensive look at what has become one of the most important political controversies in recent times. That is the outing of undercover CIA operative Valerie Plame and the investigation into how high up the chain of power in Washington a potentially serious crime stretches. This story has many dimensions – a lot of them, we have covered extensively on this program. One dimension of the story—some would say the central part of the story--involves Valerie Plame’s husband: veteran diplomat Joe Wilson. He served under both Republican and Democratic administrations, winning high praises from the likes of President George H. W. Bush for his work as the top US diplomat in Iraq when the Gulf War broke out.
Wilson was widely credited with saving hundreds of lives during the hostage crisis that ensued when Saddam invaded and occupied Kuwait. He served under President Clinton and has always been a well-respected career diplomat. But in July 2003, Wilson published an op-Ed in The New York Times that forced the current Bush administration to admit that a key justification for its invasion of Iraq was false--namely the allegation that Iraq was attempting to import uranium from the African nation of Niger; an allegation Bush made in his January 2003 State of the union address.


President George W. Bush, speaking during his 2003 State of the Union address:
The British government has learned that Saddam Hussein recently sought significant quantities of uranium from Africa.
Those 16 words provided one of the lynchpins of the administration case. But Wilson knew it was a lie. He knew because he had been sent by the CIA to Niger to investigate those claims before the invasion began and he had found them to be baseless. In July, Wilson decided to out the Bush administration by publishing the op-Ed entitled "What I Didn’t Find in Africa." Within days of that article’s publication, the so-called Plame scandal, which some call the Rove scandal, was in full motion. By July 13, Valerie Plame was outed in a column by rightwing columnist Bob Novak.


Former Ambassador Joseph Wilson, describing the Novak article on Democracy Now!, May 14, 2004.
Well, two years have gone by since Plame’s outing and there have been serious developments--the Grand Jury is still sitting, the Special Prosecutor Patrick Fitzgerald continues his investigation, the White House has backtracked on its early denials and is left to refusal after refusal to discuss the case. New York Times reporter Judy Miller is in jail. To go through the latest developments, we are joined now by Ambassador Joe Wilson. The Republican party has distributed so-called talking points to try and discredit him and Bob Novak this week attacked him in his column as well. President Bush’s senior advisor has now been forced to admit that at a minimum he discussed Valerie Plame with journalists, but that admission came under fire and after years of denial.


Karl Rove, speaking on CNN on August 31, 2004.

Ambassador Joe Wilson, was the acting US ambassador to Iraq before the 1991 Gulf War. He was the last US official to meet with Saddam Hussein before the war began. His book is called "The Politics of Truth: Inside the Lies that Led to War and Betrayed My Wife’s CIA Identity."
Murray Waas, veteran investigative journalist who writes for American Prospect magazine, Salon.com and other publications. He has broken a number of stories on the saga of the outing of CIA operative Valerie Plame. He maintains a blog at WhateverAlready.blogspot.com.

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RUSH TRANSCRIPT
This transcript is available free of charge. However, donations help us provide closed captioning for the deaf and hard of hearing on our TV broadcast.

JUAN GONZALEZ: In July 2003, Wilson published an Op-Ed piece in The New York Times that forced the current Bush administration to admit that a key justification for its invasion of Iraq was false, namely the allegation that Iraq was attempting to import uranium from the African nation of Niger, an allegation Bush made in his January 2003 State of the Union address.

PRESIDENT GEORGE W. BUSH: The British government has learned that Saddam Hussein recently sought significant quantities of uranium from Africa.

AMY GOODMAN: Those 16 words provided one of the lynchpins of the administration case, but Joe Wilson knew it was a lie. He knew because he had been sent by the C.I.A. to Niger to investigate those claims before the invasion began, and he found them to be baseless. In July, Wilson decided to out the Bush administration by publishing the Op-Ed entitled "What I Didn't Find in Africa." Within days of that article's publication, the so-called Plame scandal, which some call the Rove scandal, was in full motion. By July 13, Valerie Plame was outed in a column by right-wing columnist, Bob Novak, and Joe Wilson began receiving calls from journalists. This is how Ambassador Wilson described the story when he joined us in our Firehouse studios May 14, 2004.

JOSEPH WILSON: Sure, a week after the article appeared, and before I had responded, I was not going to respond to Novak's article publicly. I was not going to comment and did not comment on my wife's employment, other than to say, hypothetically, if she was what Novak asserts, then he might be in violation of the law and refer all questions to the C.I.A., which was appropriate. So, I was laying low. But the communications office was calling around all these journalists, and over the course of the weekend, I was getting calls every day from people saying – the first call was ‘The White House is telling us so many off the wall things, we can’t even go with them, but we'd like you to come on so we can ask you some questions.’ I didn't rise to that bait. Andrea Mitchell called me and said, ‘The White House is saying that the real story here is Wilson and his wife.’ And then, finally, Chris Matthews called me and said, ‘I just got off the phone with Karl Rove. He says,’ and I quote, ‘Wilson's wife is fair game.’

AMY GOODMAN: Wilson's wife is fair game?

JOSEPH WILSON: Fair game. My wife is a career civil servant. She's apolitical. She exercises her democratic rights like every other citizen, but she does not participate in partisan politics or these partisan political activities. She is not in the public arena or the public square. And how Mr. Rove could conclude that she is fair game is frankly beyond me. But what I will say is that this sort of attitude just has to stop. We don't accept it in our towns and our villages, we should not accept it in our political campaigns, because this is exactly the same thing they did to John McCain and John McCain's wife in South Carolina. And I go through that story, and I talked to John McCain the other day. And he thanked me. He thanked me for bringing that story out of what happened in South Carolina. This has got to stop. It is frankly un-American to decide that the way to get at somebody you determine is your political opponent, you have a dispute on ideas, or in this case on veracity, and you decide that instead of debating it, the truth in this case, the truth or lie issue, you are going to drag my wife out in the public square and administer a beating to distract people's attention from your lies.

JUAN GONZALEZ: That was Joe Wilson speaking a year ago here at Democracy Now! in our studio. Well, two years have gone by since Plame's outing, and there have been serious developments. The Federal Grand Jury is still sitting. The Special Prosecutor Peter Fitzgerald continues his investigation. The White House has backtracked on its early denials and is left to refusal after refusal to discuss the case. New York Times reporter, Judith Miller, is in jail. To go through the latest developments, we're now joined by Ambassador Joe Wilson.

JOSEPH WILSON: Good morning. Nice to be with you.

JUAN GONZALEZ: The Republican Party has distributed so-called talking points to try to discredit him, and Bob Novak this week attacked him in his column, as well. Welcome to the show.

JOSEPH WILSON: Well, good morning. Good to be with you.

AMY GOODMAN: It's very good to have you with us. We wanted to play one more clip. President Bush's senior adviser has now been forced to admit, as you know, that at a minimum he discussed your wife, Valerie Plame, with journalists, but that admission came under fire and after years of denial. This is Karl Rove speaking on CNN August 31st, 2004.

KARL ROVE: I didn't know her name and didn't leak her name. This is at the Justice Department. I'm confident that the U.S. Attorney, the prosecutor who is involved in looking at this, is going to do a very thorough job of doing a very substantial and conclusive investigation.

AMY GOODMAN: That was Karl Rove on CNN. Ambassador Joe Wilson, why don't we start off with your response to the words that Karl Rove issued?

JOSEPH WILSON: Well, I agree with Karl, actually, that I, too, have confidence that Pat Fitzgerald is going do his level best to insure that a thorough investigation has been successfully completed. And I think he's close to that mark. Now, with respect to Rove saying he didn't know her name, he didn't leak her name, that's been proven to be a lie.

AMY GOODMAN: We're also joined on the telephone by investigative reporter, Murray Waas, long-time investigator during the Clinton administration. He broke many stories on Whitewater and other scandals that plagued the Clinton White House and has written extensively on the Rove/C.I.A./Valerie Plame scandal, broken stories in the American Prospect magazine, and on his blog, WhateverAlready.blogspot.com. Murray Waas, the latest as the story continues to break today?

MURRAY WAAS: Well, it appears, and I'd like to ask Ambassador Wilson what he knows, as well, but there's a court document that shows that Judith Miller, The New York Times reporter who is in jail for not identifying her source, came down to Washington, D.C., on July 8, 2003, shortly after the -- shortly before, days before the Novak column appeared, and the government, Fitzgerald, the prosecutor, has said in court papers that he believed that a document was given to Judith Miller. Now, my best understanding of an affidavit also filed in court by Judith Miller is that she says she wasn't given a classified document or document of any kind, and she won't acknowledge or deny a meeting, but I was wondering if I could ask Joe, or Ambassador Wilson, if anyone has any information or knowledge or even conjecture, I guess, at this point, who Judith Miller met with.

JOSEPH WILSON: You know, I, of course, have no idea, and Murray, good morning. Good to talk to you.

MURRAY WAAS: You, too.

JOSEPH WILSON: I have not spoken to Pat Fitzgerald for almost a year-and-a-half. I was interviewed by him once early in his tenure. My wife was interviewed by him once early in his tenure in a separate interview from mine, and neither of us have spoken to him since. We have not been before the Grand Jury. We're not part of this case. And, of course, he has appropriately not shared with us any information he might have. So anything that I might know would be just pure speculation. And I'm sure that those of you who are out there sleuthing, as you have been, and you have been doing a terrific job, know far more about what's going on than I do. I get all my information from you. Let me also just say for the record, I have only laid eyes and met Judy Miller once in my life, laid eyes on and met her, and that was in November of 2004 at a birthday party on election night. That's the first and only time I have ever been introduced to her, and that we have ever spoken.

AMY GOODMAN: Murray Waas, are you referring to the State Department document that was prepared for the, well, then Secretary of State Colin Powell, after Joe Wilson's op-ed piece came out in The New York Times?

MURRAY WAAS: It's unclear what the prosecutor believes or has reason to believe that someone high up in the Bush administration gave Judith Miller. There's a subpoena that has been filed in open court for anybody to go look at, and he asked her to turn over specifically a document that he says or believes was given to her. Interestingly, Judith Miller has denied under oath in an affidavit herself that she was actually physically given anything. But it would indicate there was a specificity of that particular date, which is very interesting, which might tell us something new or might be a roadmap for what's going to come out later. The prosecutor also asked for information, phone records and things, over a span of about a week, the key week when administration officials, including Deputy Chief of Staff, Karl Rove, and the Chief of Staff to the Vice President, Lewis Libby, and at least a third administration official, were calling reporters for a number of news organizations in an attempt to discredit Valerie Plame and Joe Wilson. But it seems like that's a new piece of the puzzle that might be coming out next. I mean, we have seen the extensive efforts by Rove and Libby. Those have been the kind of major disclosures that were over the course of the last several weeks.

JOSEPH WILSON: The great irony, of course, is --

JUAN GONZALEZ: Murray, you dealt with in your blog on several occasions with this whole issue of whether it was Rove and/or other administration officials who leaked information to reporters, or whether it was reporters who supposedly leaked the information of Valerie Plame's identity to Rove. Could you talk about that a little bit?

MURRAY WAAS: Yeah. What's going on is it's central to potential criminality. Karl Rove has told the F.B.I. and Libby and others, Novak, that they provided the administration officials with the information that Valerie was a NOC or undercover C.I.A. operative. If they simply learned it from the press and then passed it on, that reduces the likelihood of being charged criminally. Now, those claims are on their face are implicit a little bit suspicious. They're self-serving. And obviously, if a reporter had told Lewis Libby or Karl Rove or anybody, one of these journalists or more must have heard it originally from someone in the administration or someone in the government. A reporter just kind of, you know, fantasized it or conjectured it, I think, or come up with it, and some of the testimony from the journalists before the Grand Jury has contradicted to some extent the testimony of Rove and Libby and so forth.

There's a very good story that Bloomberg News Service did about that, but if they learned about the information, Amy mentioned before, State Department, a memo done by the State Department's intelligence branch right before these stories appeared in, I believe it was the second or third paragraph, and it was classified “secret,” of that memorandum, it mentioned that Valerie Plame worked for the C.I.A., and it had some role in these issues, and so forth. And that memorandum was very widely circulated within the Bush administration. And so, the prosecutor's theory, or any reasonable person's theory, is that the information probably came from that classified document or someone who read that classified document in turn, talking to Karl Rove or talking to Lewis Libby. But their story to the Grand Jury essentially has been, ‘We have learned it from reporters.’

So, there's two potential -- several potential issues there, if they -- if they did in fact learn it from a classified source or the memo, that might be a violation of federal law of the use of -- misuse of classified information. If they discussed Valerie's C.I.A. status with reporters having been privy to that memo, that might have a relationship to the law which precludes the disclosure of covert operatives. But it also escalates the entire investigation into whether these officials, Rove, Libby and others, are telling the truth, and that's why Fitzgerald is believed to have changed the emphasis to look into obstruction of justice or witness tampering or perjury issues. And the reason that someone who is a subject of the investigation would lie is because they might have conceal or cover-up for political or legal reasons, you know, how they did in fact learn the information.

AMY GOODMAN: We have to break. When we come back, Joe Wilson just talked about an irony, and we want to go back to that. Our guests are investigative reporter, Murray Waas, and Ambassador Joe Wilson.

[break]

AMY GOODMAN: Our guests are investigative reporter, Murray Waas, and Ambassador Joseph Wilson. Joe Wilson, you talked about the irony before.

JOSEPH WILSON: Well, I was just going to say one of the ironies of all this is that the administration now clearly was, as now we have evidence that they were looking into the allegation that later came out in my -- in my opinion piece in July, they were looking into what I was asserting as early as June and perhaps earlier. That gave them lots of time to think about perhaps just correcting the record, which, of course, was all I was asking to be done. I was holding my government to account for what it had said and done in the name of the American people.

AMY GOODMAN: I wanted to ask you two quick questions -- one about well -- the day that I think everyone really learned about who you were, though you certainly were a figure in both Republican and Democratic administrations with George H.W. Bush hailing you as a hero, the acting ambassador in Iraq during the Persian Gulf War. He called you his person -- his eyes and ears on the ground. The time even after you your op-ed piece came out in the New York Times was that last day of Ari Fleischer's reign as White House Press Secretary, the whole questioning of the 16 words in President Bush's State of the Union address, your piece had come out, though they weren't specifically talking about Robert Novak's piece that had just come out that outed your wife as a C.I.A. operative. Ari Fleischer's role in all of this?

JOSEPH WILSON: Well, I have no idea. I mean, I – again, I haven't seen the special prosecutor for almost a year-and-a-half. And I have followed this along with everybody else. It's pretty clear to me that the White House, in the week after my article appeared, the White House political office and communications office were busy trying to peddle the story that it wasn't the 16 words, it was Wilson and his wife. This, after they had acknowledged the 16 words should never have been in the State of the Union address. And all of this was to change the subject and to slime and defend and to get us focused on Valerie and myself, rather than on the cover-up of the web of lies that led to war in the first place. I have now -- my article basically pulled back the screen on that a little bit, and they were absolutely determined that they were going to continue to cover up and continue to lie to the American people. That's what they have been doing ever since. The big victims, if you see it in the broader political sense, Judy Miller, Matt Cooper, Valerie and her 20-year career are really just collateral damage. The real victims, of course, are American citizens and, most poignantly, our service men and women who have died in battle or been wounded, and the Iraqis, who have been killed by the thousands, killed, wounded and displaced by the thousands. That's what this is all about. This is all about the war.

JUAN GONZALEZ: What about this other irony that Judy Miller, as a reporter, in her reporting did probably more than any other single reporter in continuing the administration's viewpoint that there were weapons of mass destruction in Iraq, and now she herself has become a victim, so to say, of the Bush administration. Your sense of that irony and her relationship to what you brought forth?

JOSEPH WILSON: Well, I try and keep her reporting and her role in this Plamegate case, this Rovegate case separate in my own mind. One doesn't send a reporter to jail for bad reporting. One fires a reporter. So, I try and keep them distinctly separate. But my view on the Judy Miller case, this has been litigated up to the Supreme Court and back down. The Supreme Court and Appellate Court determined that the importance of the case overrode her right to protection of sources. She has taken a different view, and she's exercising her right to go to jail as a consequence. But what ought to be --

AMY GOODMAN: In fact, just to say in the next sentence after those 16 words of President Bush in the State of the Union address, he talks about aluminum tubes. And that was the so-called expose of Judith Miller in September of 2002, when they were basically saying that that was the -- that this was the smoking gun, this was the plume, the threat that would be over everyone, and that was the possibility of Saddam Hussein having nuclear weapons.

JOSEPH WILSON: Well, that's right. That's right. But most importantly, Judy Miller is in jail for civil contempt of court. And for me, what that means is that somebody sitting very close to the President of the United States, who despite the President's very direct order that he or she cooperate fully with the Justice Department, has decided not to step forward, but to be a coward and hide behind Judy Miller's willingness to protect the confidentiality of the sources rather than step forward and accept responsibility for what he or she said to her, said to Judy. That's why she is in jail, because somebody in the White House is disobeying the President of the United States and is too much a coward to step forward and accept responsibility for what he or she said.

AMY GOODMAN: The conversation that Robert Novak had with a friend of yours, it has been talked about before, but I think it's important to bring out again. You had also raised it on our show, as well as others, Joe Wilson. Can you talk about that meeting on the street?

JOSEPH WILSON: Sure. Well, several days before he wrote his article, Novak was walking down the streets of Washington, D.C., and somebody came up and said hello to him and engaged him in a conversation. Now, that happens to people who are sort of familiar figures who you see on television a lot. I'm sure, Amy, it happens to you. People come up and say, ‘Hey, you're Bob Novak. Can we have’ -- I suppose people don't call you Bob Novak, but people come up and say, hi, you're so and so, and let's – and strike up a conversation. That's what happened. And during the course of the conversation, this stranger raised, or the subject of Niger and the op-ed came up, and Novak said bluntly to him, ‘Wilson is an "expletive deleted",’ although I had never met Novak before, ‘and his wife works for the C.I.A.’ Well, it turns out the stranger to Novak was somebody that I knew. And he walked right over to my office. He said, I don't know what you wife does, I have never met your wife, but here is what Novak is saying on the streets. This was several days before his article appeared.

Now, needless to say, I was pretty unhappy that somebody would be walking around the streets blurting this stuff out about my wife to absolute strangers. The security implications are enormous. And I called Novak's nominal boss at CNN, Eason Jordan, and then subsequently called Novak himself, and he did apologize, but, of course, the damage by that time had already been done, and he went ahead and wrote the article anyway, despite the fact that the C.I.A. spokesman told him there was no truth to the article and not to use Valerie's name. Told him twice, in fact.

JUAN GONZALEZ: Well, I'd like to ask Murray Waas, the -- where does the case go from here in terms of your sense of the sources that you have of where Fitzgerald is going?

MURRAY WAAS: Fitzgerald keeps his cards close to his vest. There was some interesting action in the last couple days before the Grand Jury. Two of Karl Rove's aides came before the Grand Jury, an assistant and another top aide. We're not sure what they said. We're not sure why they were called. But that would indicate some intensification or moving toward some kind of closure, which way is a little bit difficult to tell, but Fitzgerald does seem stymied still by the lack of testimony by Judith Miller. There was this very, very key meeting between Judith Miller and a senior official in the Bush administration on July 8. I have been able to determine from my reporting that Scooter Libby, the Chief of Staff to the Vice President, Vice President Cheney, was a source for, on at least four occasions, for Miller regarding stories about weapons of mass destruction, or recommended or put her in touch with others in the administration. There was something -- Ambassador Wilson would know the name of the group. I don't have it in front of me, but there was kind of a working group to sell the war to Congress, the media, the American people. I think it was the Iraq Working Group or something like that --

JOSEPH WILSON: Yeah, it was the White House Iraq Group. It was known by its acronym, WHIG, the WHIG Group.

MURRAY WAAS: And Libby played a key role in that, and interestingly, the same people who were selling the war to the American people, who were part of that group, were the same people who then were central to trying to discredit Ambassador Wilson and his wife. And because the two were interrelated or interconnected, they mudded information out, which we have now learned so much of it was false and just not true, telling the American people there were chemical, biological and nuclear weapons capabilities or huge efforts taking place by Saddam to develop those capacities. Those were not true.

So Ambassador Wilson comes forward in The New York Times and on "Meet the Press" and elsewhere and gives his personal knowledge about why some of those things are not true, so that same core group in the White House then begins a very direct and concerted campaign to discredit and retaliate against Joe and Valerie. And I reported, I guess, almost a year ago or -- I'm sorry, more recently, a few months ago, that the Grand Jury, the evidence before the Grand Jury was that there was a very concerted campaign. It wasn't just casual conversations, or officials like Rove were talking to reporters about other things, and this issue just came up, that they actually had meetings and strategies and so forth about it.

So I wrote that story in the Prospect, but not sure when, maybe a few months ago. The Los Angeles Times just had a front page story by a friend of mine, Tom Hamburger, which was a little bit -- which was even more precise and named Lewis Libby, Scooter Libby, the Chief of Staff to Vice President Cheney, and Karl Rove, as the two key players in that.

So, we're not sure exactly where things are going. One other interesting possibility, if there isn't -- if there aren’t indictments brought, there is the option for special prosecutors to issue a public report. So, Fitzgerald can potentially put out everything that he knows in the public record. But he is kind of a man who is impervious to public opinion, who doesn't see his role necessarily as one of informing public opinion, but simply prosecuting crimes. So, he has had discussions with people in the Department of Justice, and some people have urged him to take that course, but we hope we can find out what actually happened here. If there are indictments, there would be trials, and if there were no indictments, because the evidence doesn't reach a level beyond a reasonable doubt to bring people to trial, that maybe there would be a public report. And lastly, interestingly, there's a movement by Nancy Pelosi, the majority leader -- Democratic leader in the House now, to get behind a Democratic resolution of inquiry by Congress to get to the bottom of this, when Fitzgerald is all done. So hopefully someday we'll learn the truth, we’ll learn all of the facts.

AMY GOODMAN: Joe Wilson, your response to this, and also I wanted to ask, yes, John Bolton has been named in a recess appointment by President Bush to be the U.S. ambassador to the United Nations, but the last controversy to break as he was being named was he had not revealed to Congress when they had asked -- you could say he misled them, he lied -- when they had asked if he had been questioned in any investigation. It turns out he had. In the State Department, Condoleezza Rice had now admitted this. He had been questioned by the State Department Inspector General in the whole case that you're certainly a critical part of, and that's the issue of Niger and whether Saddam Hussein was trying to buy yellow cake uranium. Your response?

JOSEPH WILSON: Well, yeah, I saw that. I think it was unfortunate that Mr. Bolton was appointed in a recess appointment. I don't think that gives him a lot of credibility either at the United Nations or within U.S. government circles. Dick Holbrook was offered a recess appointment in the Clinton administration and refused it, saying that he needed to have the support of the Congress in order to be able to do his job up there. I think, more fundamentally, it's pretty clear to me that the ethical standards demanded of senior public servants by this administration are very low indeed. The fact that Mr. Rove, who is now documented to have been a liar and to have been the source of a treasonous leak is still on the payroll and Mr. Libby is still on the payroll and Mr. Bolton is up at the United Nations really, I think, is a breach of the President's bond to the American people that his -- he was good for his word and that he was honest and he was a straight shooter.

Now, so I guess, really, with respect to Bolton, I'm sorry that he's up there and that this has gone on. Now with respect to Fitzgerald, I have, as I said earlier, all the confidence in the world that he is doing everything he can to bring this to a successful conclusion. And I think that he is going to succeed. I do believe that the fact that it's gone on for almost two years now is not a reflection on his efforts, but much more a reflection on the dedication of the White House to stonewall him, despite the President's direct order that everybody cooperate fully with the Justice Department. I think, but again this would be speculation, that he is close to wrapping this thing up, and I think Americans may well be surprised by the outcome.

JUAN GONZALEZ: And Murray Waas, the role of the press in this whole issue, because clearly, because of the attempts of the White House to leak the information on Valerie Plame to a whole number of folks in the press, this is a story that many reporters in Washington know more about than they're actually reporting.

MURRAY WAAS: That's correct. Our hands are tied. I just wanted to backtrack for a moment and say your competitor, National Public Radio, reported this morning that on his second day at the U.N., and this is an exact quote, John Bolton has been a “model of decorum.” That's their exact words. So it should be interesting if NPR reports on the third, fourth and tenth and twelfth day and how long into his tenure as U.N. ambassador that he has been a model of decorum. It's kind of extraordinary that they said without any kind of irony whatsoever, I think, reported that as news. I mean, one can imagine perhaps we'll have reports on the news about Condoleezza Rice today was a model of decorum, or the Vice President was a model of decorum or members of Congress were models of decorum, but back to the role of the press in this story.

It’s kind of -- what we have seen is a tremendous press failure, but what's extraordinarily interesting, and perhaps Joe, Ambassador Wilson, can address this, as well, or more articulately than I can, is that the defense is that nothing was wrong -- done wrong here, but sloppy journalism. In other words, when Bob Novak used Valerie Plame's name -- when he mentioned that Wilson's wife worked at the C.I.A. as, quote, “an operative,” Novak's story is that that was -- he used the word operative, none of his sources, Karl Rove nor anybody else, did. So, that was his own sloppy use of a phrase, his own -- Novak's own indiscretion, his own sloppy reporting, in effect. He kind of, by using that phrase, he brought this on.

Secondly, he's acknowledged that he didn't kind of vet it or do the fact checking or do more reporting as he should and thirdly, he has now come out and through his emissaries and said that -- trying to get Rove off the hook, saying that he first mentioned this to Rove, and he had heard it elsewhere. And supposedly, Rove said to Bob Novak, ‘I have heard that, too.’ Well, when somebody says something to the effect of "I heard that, too," that means that they have heard similar information, similar gossip. So, in -- that's the person who Bob Novak is using as a second source. Any first-year journalism student at NYU or Columbia knows that you don't use somebody as a source who’s just heard a similar rumor to the one that you have heard.

So if we believe Bob Novak's account, he engaged in substandard news reporting on not one aspect of this column, but several aspects of this column. And it's led to the jailing of a New York Times reporter, it's harmed the national security of the United States because it led to the outing of a C.I.A. operative. It's hurt the morale of the C.I.A. It's damaged the Bush administration endlessly, and it's hurt the credibility of the press, partly because reporters were engaged in this scheme or took the bad information, and also because they're now revealing their confidential sources in cooperating with the prosecutors.

So, all of this occurred because reporters were sloppy, because they didn't do their work. I mean, that, in effect is the cover story, or that's what Robert Novak is insisting. And I have interviewed Geneva Overholser, for example, the former editor at The Des Moines Register, and she said some strong words about Novak, but what's interesting is because he's really at the core of a elite group, a cocktail party crowd or kind of celebrity journalism at CNN, nobody will come out and -- the Washington press corps is pretty much silent. The big wheels and big guns are not saying anything. They're not policing themselves. And this could have really deleterious and damaging long-term effects on journalism.

And one other interesting aspect is The Washington Post in this. And maybe Ambassador Wilson can talk about that, but a reporter, Susan Schmidt, has done a lot of erroneous reporting, kind of taking information from the administration to further attack him and Valerie, but also Bob Woodward has been on all -- a bunch of TV shows saying that there's no story here, that this is a lot of hype, and we're seeing an iceberg with a tip of -- some reporter is just seeing an iceberg because they see a tip of an iceberg, but there might not be anything beyond that. And so, the Post has been extraordinarily quiet over the last several months or the year and has only began to recently re-report the story because the Wall Street Journal, Los Angeles Times and The New York Times, even the American Prospect, have begun to aggressively report the story.

AMY GOODMAN: Do you share that evaluation, Ambassador Wilson? Also it's interesting to note that Robert Novak and Karl Rove and scandal go back. Wasn't it a Karl Rove leak to Robert Novak that led to Karl Rove's firing from the Bush/Quayle campaign when he leaked some information? He wasn't happy with Mosbacher running the campaign. That was George H.W. Bush's campaign. He leaked that to Robert Novak, and Bush got mad, and he was fired before, about 12 years ago, about 13 years ago.

JOSEPH WILSON: Well, that was certainly the judgment of the former President Bush when he fired him, although both Rove and Novak have denied that he was the source of that particular leak. My view of Novak, obviously, is not very positive. Although I will say this: I think he fundamentally is a pawn in a much bigger game. I think this administration was absolutely committed to getting the information on Valerie out and use any and all possible means to do so, and that Novak bit. He just basically took the bait and wrote the article doing their bidding for them. But they would have gotten it out some other way. I have no doubt that they were trying to get it out through their conservative channels. It would have been up on web blogs. They would have found a way to use this as their vehicle for smearing me and trying to discredit me. Being married to Valerie in no way discredits me, in my judgment.

Now with respect to the Post, you know, I -- Susan Schmidt's article was a terrible article. It was full of falsehoods. It quoted a partisan letter as being the authoritative committee resolutions. It took out of context something out of my book. In my book, I had said my wife had nothing to do with this, other than to serve as a conduit. She dropped that really important phrase and said that I had written that my wife had nothing to do with it. It was a real -- just a fundamentally bad article.

Now, with respect to Woodward, the great irony in all of this is that, of course, Woodward was hanging around the White House and dealing with the most senior officials of our government for several years while he was writing his two books, the second of which was Plan of Attack, and you know, I think the question for Woodward once all is said and done is, ‘you were sniffing around there. You were talking to all of these people on a daily basis. You were basically taking their dictation, and you didn't sniff out a story? You didn't sniff out a story that might actually be rather important.’

AMY GOODMAN: Well, on that note, we want to thank you both very much for being with us. Ambassador Joseph Wilson, Politics of Truth is the title of his book; and investigative reporter, Murray Waas, speaking to us from Washington, D.C. His blog, WhateverAlready.blogspot.com.
Snuffysmith
http://freeinternetpress.com/modules.php?n...rticle&sid=4194


Conservatives Have Whoppers Of Conspiracy Theories
Posted on Thursday, August 04 @ 11:34:18 PDT by Intellpuke (410 reads)

Intellpuke: "Two conservative websites have been speculating about the federal investigation into the leaking of Valerie Plame as a CIA agent and have come up with a couple of doozy conspiracy theories, according to a write-up on the UnknownCountry.com website. There's not what I would call a lot of confirmation here, but it was an interesting read. Following is what UnknownCountry posted, you'll find links to the two sites mentioned in it at the bottom of UC's article:


Speculation about the investigation of Federal Prosecutor Patrick Fitzgerald into the Valerie Plame affair has reached a fever pitch in the conspiracy community, along with claims that there will be a terrorist attack staged in the United States in August to deflect public attention from the activities of the Chicago Grand Jury. Whether or not any of this is true remains to be seen, but the intensity of the claims is unusual.



For example, Libertarian muckraker Tom Flocco has just posted an article on his website, TomFlocco.com claiming that George W. Bush, Karl Rove and numerous others have been indicted by the Chicago Grand Jury convened to investigate the Valerie Plame leak.



Flocco claims that U.S. Federal Prosecutor Patrick Fitzgerald has indicted President Bush, Vice-President Cheney, Bush Chief of Staff Andrew Card, Cheney Chief of Staff I. Lewis "Scooter" Libby, Attorney General Alberto Gonzalez, former Attorney General John Ashcroft, imprisoned New York Times reporter Judith Miller and former Senior Cheney advisor Mary Matalin.

Flocco says, "Besides the Valerie Plame CIA leak case, the Fitzgerald probe is reportedly far-reaching and expanding much deeper into past White House criminal acts involving Bush-Clinton drug money laundering in Mena, Arkansas, to White House involvement in 9.11; but also for sending America's young people to their deaths or to be maimed in Iraq and Afghanistan under false pretenses."

He also claims that British Prime Minister Tony Blair has been indicted, and is consulting with British officials about how to respond to extradition demands.

Whether or not any of this is true remains to be seen, but the presence of such a story in the far-right press is an indication of just how much ferment there is behind the scenes in the conservative movement, and the extraordinary degree of unease caused by the Fitzgerald investigation.

If such indictments really are being handed down, then another extremist fear must also be addressed: the White House will be desperate for some means of distracting public attention from the Grand Jury proceedings.

How far might they go to derail the investigation, if it really is as far-reaching as Flocco claims? Read the opinion of The American Conservative.

Normally, I don't go to these sites, but their latest conspiracy theories did catch my attention. Bear in mind, whether they are accurate or not is anyone's guess.
Snuffysmith
http://www.usnews.com/usnews/news/articles...h.htm?track=rss


White House Watch: Bracing for new Rove attacks
Posted 8/4/05
By Paul Bedard

White House officials and senior Republican strategists are bracing for a new round of attacks on Deputy Chief of Staff Karl Rove's involvement in the CIA leak probe, as Democrats move to take advantage of the slow news cycle in August. But insiders say they don't expect to hear anything new in the charges.


"There is no new news," says one senior White House adviser and Rove ally. "Rove is cool as a cucumber."

The Democrats, nonetheless, are looking at the case involving the leak of the identity of CIA agent Valerie Plame as a way to paint the White House as stonewalling a legitimate investigation. Coupled with the Bush administration's decision not to provide all documents related to Supreme Court nominee John G. Roberts, some Democrats believe they can make the case that the White House isn't being honest with the public. Part of the strategy was unveiled this week when the Democratic National Committee released a fact sheet titled "Mr. Bush, Tear Down That Stone Wall." The opening paragraph said the theme will be built on every day.

"A daily service of the DNC, 'Mr. Bush, Tear Down That Stone Wall!' will highlight a specific fact that has been revealed and what Americans deserve to know about the White House's involvement in the improper and possibly illegal disclosure of an undercover CIA agent's identity for political gain." A DNC official said that "our main point has been that this is about more than just Rove; there was an internal working group focused on discrediting Joe Wilson," Plame's husband, who before her CIA connection was leaked had publicly criticized the Bush administration for its handling of intelligence on Iraq's weapons-making capability.

Democrats claim that Rove was a part of the discrediting operation. "This is bigger than Rove," said the official.
rox63
http://www.nytimes.com/2005/08/06/politics...agewanted=print

QUOTE
C.I.A. Leak Case Recalls Texas Incident in '92 Race

By ELISABETH BUMILLER
August 6, 2005

WASHINGTON, Aug. 5 - These hot months here will be remembered as the summer of the leak, a time when the political class obsessed on a central question: did Karl Rove, President Bush's powerful adviser, commit a crime when he spoke about a C.I.A. officer with the columnist Robert D. Novak?

Whatever a federal grand jury investigating the case decides, a small political subgroup is experiencing the odd sensation that this leak has sprung before. In 1992 in an incident well known in Texas, Mr. Rove was fired from the state campaign to re-elect the first President Bush on suspicions that Mr. Rove had leaked damaging information to Mr. Novak about Robert Mosbacher Jr., the campaign manager and the son of a former commerce secretary.

Since then, Mr. Rove and Mr. Novak have denied that Mr. Rove was the source, even as Mr. Mosbacher, who no longer talks on the record about the incident, has never changed his original assertion that Mr. Rove was the culprit.

"It's history," Mr. Mosbacher said last week in a brief telephone interview. "I commented on it at the time, and I have nothing to add."

But the episode, part of the bad-boy lore of Mr. Rove, is a telling chapter in the 20-year friendship between the presidential adviser and the columnist. The story of that relationship, a bond of mutual self-interest of a kind that is long familiar in Washington, does not answer the question of who might have leaked the identity of the C.I.A. officer, Valerie Wilson, to reporters, potentially a crime.

But it does give a clue to Mr. Rove's frequent and complimentary mentions over the years in Mr. Novak's column, and to the importance of Mr. Rove and Mr. Novak to each other's ambitions.

"They've known each for a long time, but they are not close friends," said a person who knows both men and who asked not to be named because of the investigation into a conversation by Mr. Novak and Mr. Rove in July 2003 about Ms. Wilson, part of a case that has put a reporter for The New York Times, Judith Miller, in jail for refusing to testify to the grand jury.

The two men share a love of history and policy, as well as reputations as aggressive partisans and hotheads.

People who have been officially briefed on the case have said Mr. Rove was the second of two senior administration officials cited by Mr. Novak in his column of July 14, 2003, that identified Ms. Wilson by her maiden name, Valerie Plame, and said she was a C.I.A. operative.

The larger question has been whether Mr. Rove might have been using the columnist to confirm Ms. Plame's identity to punish or undermine her husband, Joseph C. Wilson IV, who had accused the Bush administration of leading the nation to war with Iraq on false pretenses.

Mr. Novak, who stalked out of a live program on CNN on Thursday after uttering a profanity on the air, declined to be interviewed for this article.

The anchor of the program, "Inside Politics," Ed Henry, has said he was preparing later in the broadcast to ask Mr. Novak about his role in the leak case.

Mr. Rove also declined to be interviewed.

But Mr. Novak, through his office manager, Kathleen Connolly, provided the information about his first encounter with Mr. Rove. Mr. Novak, by his recollection, met Mr. Rove in Texas in the mid-80's, when Mr. Novak turned up to write columns about the state's shifting out of Democrats' hands into those of Republicans.

In those years, Mr. Rove regularly had dinner with Mr. Novak when the columnist went to Austin. Mr. Rove, in his mid-30's, was a rising political operator who in 1981 founded his direct-mail consulting firm, Karl Rove & Company. Gov. William P. Clements, a Republican, was one of his first clients.

Mr. Novak, in his mid-50's, was big political game for Mr. Rove. He was the other half, with Rowland Evans Jr., of a much read and increasingly conservative column that was syndicated by The Chicago Sun-Times and published weekly in The Washington Post. Evans and Novak, as it was called - Mr. Evans retired in 1993 -closely chronicled the Reagan era, and it would have been a sign of Mr. Rove's arrival on the national scene for Mr. Novak to mention him in print.

Still, a computer search of Mr. Novak's columns shows that Mr. Rove's name did not appear under his byline until 1992, when Mr. Novak wrote the words that got Mr. Rove into such trouble.

"A secret meeting of worried Republican power brokers in Dallas last Sunday reflected the reality that George Bush is in serious trouble in trying to carry his adopted state," the column began.

The column said that the campaign run by Mr. Mosbacher was a "bust" and that he had been stripped of his authority at the "secret meeting" by Senator Phil Gramm, the top Republican in the state.

Also at the meeting, Mr. Novak reported, was "political consultant Karl Rove, who had been shoved aside by Mosbacher."

Specifically, Mr. Mosbacher told The Houston Chronicle in 2003 that he had given a competitor of Mr. Rove the bulk of a $1 million contract for direct mail work in the campaign.

"I thought another firm was better," Mr. Mosbacher told The Chronicle. "I had $1 million for direct mail. I gave Rove a contract for $250,000 and $750,000 to the other firm."

The other firm belonged to Mr. Rove's chief competitor, John Weaver, and Mr. Rove was so angry, Texas Republicans say, that he retaliated by leaking the information about Mr. Mosbacher to Mr. Novak.

Mr. Mosbacher fired Mr. Rove. As a result, Mr. Weaver, who later faced off against Mr. Rove as the political director of Senator John McCain's presidential campaign in 2000, walked away with Mr. Rove's $250,000, too.

"That's about the only time that a Novak column benefited me," Mr. Weaver said this week in a telephone interview.

Mr. Rove again turned up in Mr. Novak's columns in 1999, when Gov. George W. Bush was running for president. Mr. Rove, Mr. Bush's national campaign strategist, was quoted briefly on the record in at least three columns, even though Mr. Novak has said on CNN, "I can't tell you anything I ever talked to Karl Rove about, because I don't think I ever talked to him about any subject, even the time of day, on the record."

Whether Mr. Novak forgot about the 1999 mentions is unclear. What is clear is that Mr. Rove has made frequent appearances in Mr. Novak's column in a positive light, often in paragraphs that imparted information about the inner workings of Mr. Bush's operation, feeding perceptions here that Mr. Rove is one of the columnist's most important anonymous sources.

In April 2000, under the headline "Bush Thriving Without Insiders," Mr. Novak wrote of the fears of the Republican old guard about the triumvirate of "rookies" in Austin - led by Mr. Rove - who were running Mr. Bush's "supposedly fading" presidential campaign.

"Actually," Mr. Novak wrote, "the Austin triumvirate has managed the most effective Republican campaign since Dwight D. Eisenhower's in 1952."

Last December, Mr. Novak wrote that the "retention of John Snow as secretary of the treasury was viewed in the capital's inner circles as a defeat for presidential adviser Karl Rove, who wanted a high-profile manager of President Bush's second-term economic program."

Although Mr. Novak did not directly debunk that view, he did suggest a different turn of events when he wrote that two Wall Street executives had said no to the position and that it was "decided at the White House to relieve Snow from his uncertainty and keep him in office."

These days, friends of the two men say they have not seen Mr. Rove and Mr. Novak at dinner together and note that there is little the two would have to celebrate. But in June 2003, The Chicago Sun-Times gave a party for Mr. Novak at the Army and Navy Club here to salute 40 years of his columns.

The biggest political celebrity guest, to no one's surprise, was Mr. Rove.
ConcernedObserver
The Prosecutor: The Mystery Man
Patrick Fitzgerald has sent a reporter to jail and pulled back the curtain on top staffers' press chats. Does he have a case
?

By Jonathan Darman and Michael Isikoff
Newsweek


July 25 issue - Growing up in Brooklyn, N.Y., in the 1970s, Patrick Fitzgerald was so determined to attend the prestigious Regis High School that even a rejection letter couldn't keep him away. When his carefully prepared application was denied, Fitzgerald dialed up Regis's director of admissions and protested that there must have been some mistake. Sure enough, the school had mixed up his entrance exam with that of another Patrick Fitzgerald of Brooklyn who got lower marks. The right Patrick Fitzgerald entered Regis that fall.

Now, Washington is wondering if it's gotten Patrick Fitzgerald wrong, too. For nearly two years, the special prosecutor in the Valerie Plame leak investigation has been the city's mystery man, pursuing a murky investigation whose only targets seemed to be members of the press. But as new details emerge about White House efforts to discredit Iraq-war critic Joe Wilson and his CIA agent wife, Washington insiders are seeing Fitzgerald in a new light. Maybe his hard-nosed investigation will do more than just punish reporters. Maybe Fitzgerald's leak investigation will actually uncover who leaked.

To Fitzgerald's friends, the reassessment is long overdue. They point to his record as a federal prosecutor in the Southern District of New York (he brought charges against figures ranging from the Gambino crime family to the Egyptian cleric Sheik Omar Abdel-Rahman to Osama bin Laden) as proof that he is pursuing the greater good. Mary Jo White, the former U.S. attorney who was Fitzgerald's boss in the Southern District, recommended him for his current assignment as U.S. attorney in Chicago. His strength, she says, lies in how he "exercises his power with a real recognition of how awesome it is... He has a strong sense of the nuance."


That doesn't mean he's afraid to step on some toes, especially when they belong to members of the media. Associates say Fitzgerald is wary of reporters, dating back to his days trying terrorist cases. Concerned about protecting national security, he'd go to extraordinary lengths to keep sensitive material secret, only to see it published by meddling journalists. A particularly annoying offender, coincidentally, was Judith Miller, the New York Times reporter. Fitzgerald sent her to jail earlier this month for failing to comply with a court order to testify before the grand jury about conversations she had with sources on a matter about which she never wrote a story. In an earlier, unrelated clash, Fitzgerald had accused Miller of compromising a probe into Islamic charities by phoning one of the groups just before a government crackdown. Launching a leak investigation, he tried to get ahold of Miller's phone records and those of a colleague at the Times. The Times claimed its reporters were following standard practice and that there was no evidence they compromised a federal investigation. A federal judge quashed Fitzgerald's subpoenas.

Fitzgerald is intentionally keeping reporters and everyone else guessing as to what's really going on in his head. Last week, NEWSWEEK has learned, after Time's Matthew Cooper provided grand-jury testimony on his July 11, 2003, conversation with Karl Rove, Robert Luskin, Rove's attorney, placed a call to Fitzgerald to make sure he didn't need anything more from Rove in light of Cooper's claims. Fitzgerald didn't bite: "We'll get back to you," the prosecutor replied curtly and quickly got off the line.

URL: http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/8599914/site/newsweek/
graham4anything
QUOTE(ConcernedObserver @ Aug 7 2005, 04:31 PM)
The Prosecutor: The Mystery Man
Patrick Fitzgerald has sent a reporter to jail and pulled back the curtain on top staffers' press chats. Does he have a case
?

By Jonathan Darman and Michael Isikoff
Newsweek
July 25 issue - Growing up in Brooklyn, N.Y., in the 1970s, Patrick Fitzgerald was so determined to attend the prestigious Regis High School that even a rejection letter couldn't keep him away. When his carefully prepared application was denied, Fitzgerald dialed up Regis's director of admissions and protested that there must have been some mistake. Sure enough, the school had mixed up his entrance exam with that of another Patrick Fitzgerald of Brooklyn who got lower marks. The right Patrick Fitzgerald entered Regis that fall.

Now, Washington is wondering if it's gotten Patrick Fitzgerald wrong, too. For nearly two years, the special prosecutor in the Valerie Plame leak investigation has been the city's mystery man, pursuing a murky investigation whose only targets seemed to be members of the press. But as new details emerge about White House efforts to discredit Iraq-war critic Joe Wilson and his CIA agent wife, Washington insiders are seeing Fitzgerald in a new light. Maybe his hard-nosed investigation will do more than just punish reporters. Maybe Fitzgerald's leak investigation will actually uncover who leaked.

To Fitzgerald's friends, the reassessment is long overdue. They point to his record as a federal prosecutor in the Southern District of New York (he brought charges against figures ranging from the Gambino crime family to the Egyptian cleric Sheik Omar Abdel-Rahman to Osama bin Laden) as proof that he is pursuing the greater good. Mary Jo White, the former U.S. attorney who was Fitzgerald's boss in the Southern District, recommended him for his current assignment as U.S. attorney in Chicago. His strength, she says, lies in how he "exercises his power with a real recognition of how awesome it is... He has a strong sense of the nuance."


That doesn't mean he's afraid to step on some toes, especially when they belong to members of the media. Associates say Fitzgerald is wary of reporters, dating back to his days trying terrorist cases. Concerned about protecting national security, he'd go to extraordinary lengths to keep sensitive material secret, only to see it published by meddling journalists. A particularly annoying offender, coincidentally, was Judith Miller, the New York Times reporter. Fitzgerald sent her to jail earlier this month for failing to comply with a court order to testify before the grand jury about conversations she had with sources on a matter about which she never wrote a story. In an earlier, unrelated clash, Fitzgerald had accused Miller of compromising a probe into Islamic charities by phoning one of the groups just before a government crackdown. Launching a leak investigation, he tried to get ahold of Miller's phone records and those of a colleague at the Times. The Times claimed its reporters were following standard practice and that there was no evidence they compromised a federal investigation. A federal judge quashed Fitzgerald's subpoenas.

Fitzgerald is intentionally keeping reporters and everyone else guessing as to what's really going on in his head. Last week, NEWSWEEK has learned, after Time's Matthew Cooper provided grand-jury testimony on his July 11, 2003, conversation with Karl Rove, Robert Luskin, Rove's attorney, placed a call to Fitzgerald to make sure he didn't need anything more from Rove in light of Cooper's claims. Fitzgerald didn't bite: "We'll get back to you," the prosecutor replied curtly and quickly got off the line.

URL: http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/8599914/site/newsweek/
*
rox63
From Rep. John Conyers, via the Huffington Post:

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/theblog/arch...bby-g_5329.html

QUOTE
08.08.2005 Rep. John Conyers

Why Won't Scooter Libby Grant Judith Miller a Personal Waiver?

August is typically a month of no news. Congress goes on its summer recess. The President takes a long vacation. A very long one. For those in the White House press corps who are not so fortunate to be assigned to bake in the Crawford, Texas sun, they too take vacations (though not as long as the President's).

This August is different. If you listen closely enough, you can hear the slow drip of scandal turning into a waterfall of corruption and coverups in the Bush White House. On the internet, new pieces of the puzzle are coming together. My friend and the proprietor of this blog, Arianna Huffington seems to have the best sources inside the New York Times newsroom and has led many of us to begin asking whether Judith Miller's refusal to testify is not what it seems.

Picking up this thread over the weekend is an overlooked investigative piece in the American Prospect Magazine's online edition. In case you missed it, in a piece entitled "The Meeting," investigative reporter Murray Waas uncovers some new information about Treason-gate, Miller's refusal to testify and Vice Presidential Chief of Staff Scooter Libby's possible complicity in a coverup.

The article should be read in its entirety, but here are a few highlights:

-- Libby met with Judith Miller on July 8, 2003 and discussed CIA operative Valerie Plame. This meeting, six days before the publication of Robert Novak's infamous column outing Mrs. Joe Wilson (Valerie Plame), is a "central focus" of the Fitzgerald investigation.

-- The kicker: "Sources close to the investigation, and private attorneys representing clients embroiled in the federal probe, said that Libby's failure to produce a personal waiver may have played a significant role in Miller's decision not to testify about her conversations with Libby, including the one on July 8, 2003."

The President has, of course, directed his staff to "fully cooperate" with the probe. Make no mistake about it, if Waas's sources are right, Libby is not cooperating. In fact, while right wing pundits continually claim that the White House has not obstructed the Fitzgerald investigation, these new disclosures indicate that a top White House staffer is essentially directing a reporter to invoke a privilege on his behalf to keep the Special Prosecutor from learning the truth. Remember the hue and cry from conservatives when it was the Clinton Administration invoking privileges on what was not a matter of national security, but a private sexual affair? Where are they now?

The course for Libby is clear. He should obey the President's directive and immediately give Miller his personal waiver to testify about any conversations he may have had with her that are within the purview of the Grand Jury. Today, I and along with my colleagues Louise Slaughter, Maurice Hinchey and Rush Holt, wrote to Libby asking him to do just that. Waas has the letter on his blog.

If he refuses, the President faces a choice. He can show he means what he says and fire an employee who is so obviously obstructing the search for the truth. Or he can continue to tolerate such behavior and thereby make clear what many suspect -- when it comes to getting to the bottom of who did this vile act, he is all talk.

Posted at 07:30 PM
rox63
From David Corn's blog: Could there be an espionage charge waiting in the wings for Rove & Libby? dontknow.gif

http://www.davidcorn.com/2005/08/why_the_aipac_i.php

QUOTE
Why the AIPAC Indictment Is Bad News for Karl Rove

August 08, 2005

Last week, the Justice Department issued a new indictment of Lawrence Franklin, the Pentagon official accused of passing secrets to officials of AIPAC, the pro-Israel lobbying outfit. The indictment is bad news for the Bush White House and Karl Rove.

That's not only because the Franklin case is embarrassing for the administration, the Pentagon, and their neocon allies. (Franklin worked with Douglas Feith, who until recently was a senior Pentagon official close to the neocons.) The Franklin indictment is a sign that Rove and any other White House aide involved in the Plame/CIA leak might be vulnerable to prosecution under the Espionage Act.

Special prosecutor Patrick Fitzgerald--who is not involved in the Franklin prosecution--has not had to state publicly what sort of case he is trying to build in the Plame/CIA leak matter. The most obvious one would be based on the charge that the leaker violated the Intelligence Identities Protection Act. But that law was narrowly drawn, and to win a conviction Fitzgerald would have to prove that Rove or any other leaker knew that Valerie Wilson was working under cover at the CIA. There are, however, other laws under which Fitzgerald might charge the CIA/Plame leakers. The Franklin indictment points the way. (And criminal law aside, by sharing classified information with at least two reporters--Valerie Wilson's employment at the CIA was classified--Rove committed an offense that violated various rules and would get most government workers seriously punished or dismissed.)

The Franklin indictments notes:

On or about December 8, 1999, FRANKLIN signed a Classified Information Nondisclosure Agreement, a Standard Form 312 (SF-312). In that document FRANKLIN acknowledged that he was aware that the unauthorized disclosure of classified information by him could cause irreparable injury to the United States or could be used to advantage by a foreign nation and that he would never divulge classified information to an unauthorized person. He further acknowledged that he would never divulge classified information unless he had officially verified that the recipient was authorized by the United States to receive it. Additionally, he agreed that if he was uncertain about the classification status of information, he was required to confirm from an authorized official that the information is unclassified before he could disclose it.

Yet, the indictment alleges, Franklin passed classified information to Steven Rosen and Keith Weissman, two senior AIPAC officials. And the indictment claims Rosen and Weissman shared this information with Israel. Consequently, the indictment charges Franklin, Rosen and Weissman with "conspiracy to communicate National Defense Information under sections 793(d) and 793(e) of Title 18, United States Code. And Franklin was charged with three counts of "communication of National Defense Information"--not conspiracy--under section 793(d). He was also charged with one count of "conspiracy to communicate classified information" to a foreign government.

Let's look at sections 793(d) and (e). The first generally applies to government officials, the second to nongovernment officials. Both sections make it a crime to transmit national defense information--and the identity of an undercover CIA officer would probably count as national defense information--to a person unauthorized to receive it (such as a reporter). These sections define violators as

(d) Whoever, lawfully having possession of, access to, control over, or being entrusted with any document, writing, code book, signal book, sketch, photograph, photographic negative, blueprint, plan, map, model, instrument, appliance, or note relating to the national defense, or information relating to the national defense which information the possessor has reason to believe could be used to the injury of the United States or to the advantage of any foreign nation, willfully communicates, delivers, transmits or causes to be communicated, delivered, or transmitted or attempts to communicate, deliver, transmit or cause to be communicated, delivered or transmitted the same to any person not entitled to receive it, or willfully retains the same and fails to deliver it on demand to the officer or employee of the United States entitled to receive it.

(e) Whoever having unauthorized possession of, access to, or control over any document, writing, code book, signal book, sketch, photograph, photographic negative, blueprint, plan, map, model, instrument, appliance, or note relating to the national defense, or information relating to the national defense which information the possessor has reason to believe could be used to the injury of the United States or to the advantage of any foreign nation, willfully communicates, delivers, transmits or causes to be communicated, delivered, or transmitted, or attempts to communicate, deliver, transmit or cause to be communicated, delivered, or transmitted the same to any person not entitled to receive it, or willfully retains the same and fails to deliver it to the officer or employee of the United States entitled to receive it. [Emphasis added.]


Rove, like Franklin, had to sign SF-312. As Rep. Henry Waxman noted in a short report he released on the Rove leak, this nondisclosure agreement states, "I will never divulge classified information to anyone" unauthorized to receive such information. Rove broke that vow. And Executive Order 12958--which Bush updated on March 25, 2003-- says that "officers and employees of the United States Government...shall be subject to appropriate sanctions if they knowingly, willfully, or negligently...disclose to unauthorized persons information properly classified." The sanctions include "reprimand, suspension without pay, removal, termination of classification authority, loss or denial of access to classified information, or other sanctions." So Rove ought to be slapped with one of those punishments.

But worse for Rove--from a legal perspective--is section 793. Rove did communicate classified information which could be used "to the injury of the United States" to a person "not entitled to receive it." The information was the identity of an undercover intelligence official working on anti-WMD operations. Such information could be used to thwart or undermine past or present CIA operations and assets connected to Valerie Wilson. The persons "not entitled" to received this info were Robert Novak and Matt Cooper (and perhaps there were more).

I am--as I've said before--no lawyer. But given the letter of the law in section 793, it seems to me there is a case to be made that Rove essentially did what Franklin did. There may be a difference in intent or awareness. Perhaps Rove did not know he was passing on classified information that could be used to the detriment of the United States (though he should have realized that had he given the matter a moment or two of thought), and it seems that Franklin had to know he was sharing classified material with outsiders. But section 793 does not say a violator must be aware he or she is passing on information that could cause harm to the United States if exposed. It only sets as a criterion that the violator "willfully" communicates this information. I assume that means a purely accidental slip of the lip would not be a crime. But Rove--who told at least two reporters about Valerie Wilson's CIA position--cannot argue he was not "willfully" communicating this information to others.

So might Fitzgerald have a case under section 793? Journalists don't like these sorts of prosecutions, for it brings us close to an official secrets act (like the one that exists in Britain). If prosecutors chased after government leakers--say those who leaked intelligence showing that the White House's case for war in Iraq was weak--the public would suffer. And the Justice Department's indictment of Rosen and Weissman--nongovernment officials--for passing along classified information is also worrisome for reporters who pass along classified information by publishing and airing stories that contain secret information. But Fitzgerald has certainly demonstrated he's not too concerned about pursuing legal cases and setting legal precedents that are bad for journalism. And that's why Rove ought to be sweating the Franklin indictment.
ConcernedObserver
Leak Investigation: An Oversight Issue?

Newsweek

Aug. 15, 2005 issue - The departure this week of Deputy Attorney General James Comey, who has accepted the post of general counsel at Lockheed Martin, leaves a question mark in the probe into who leaked the identity of CIA operative Valerie Plame. Comey was the only official overseeing special counsel Patrick Fitzgerald's leak investigation. With Attorney General Alberto Gonzales recused, department officials say they are still trying to resolve whom Fitzgerald will now report to.

Associate Attorney General Robert McCallum is "likely" to be named as acting deputy A.G., a DOJ official who asked not to be identified because of the sensitivity of the matter tells NEWSWEEK. But McCallum may be seen as having his own conflicts: he is an old friend of President Bush's and a member of his Skull and Bones class at Yale. One question: how much authority Comey's successor will have over Fitzgerald.

When Comey appointed Fitzgerald in 2003, the deputy granted him extraordinary powers to act however he saw fit—but noted he still had the right to revoke Fitzgerald's authority. The questions are pertinent because lawyers close to the case believe the probe is in its final stages. Fitzgerald recently called White House aide Karl Rove's secretary and his former top aide to testify before the grand jury. They were asked why there was no record of a phone call from Time reporter Matt Cooper, with whom Rove discussed the CIA agent, says a source close to Rove who requested anonymity because the FBI asked participants not to comment. The source says the call went through the White House switchboard, not directly to Rove.


URL: http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/8853002/site/newsweek/
USA#1
Looking Good To ME !!! cool.gif
rox63
http://www.pressconnects.com/today/opinion...05s183731.shtml

QUOTE
Jailed reporter not looking so sympathetic now

Wednesday, August 10, 2005
David Rossie

The writer William Sidney Porter, who wrote under the nom de plume O. Henry, once observed that no one experiences happiness to the extent that a martyr does. Judith Miller may disagree.

Miller, the imprisoned New York Times reporter, has never claimed martyr status. That's been left to her executive editor, William Keller, who has been trying, without much success, to portray Miller as a martyr to the First Amendment and the Fourth Estate.

Miller was jailed last month by a federal judge for refusing to cooperate with a special prosecutor investigating the possibly illegal outing of Valerie Plame, an undercover CIA operative.

Plame 's identity as the wife of career diplomat Joseph Wilson was made public by columnist Bob Novak following conversations with White House sources apparently eager to discredit Wilson for helping give the lie to British and Cheney/Bush administration claims that Saddam Hussein had tried to buy yellow cake uranium from Niger to advance his nuclear weapons development program.

Wilson was sent by the CIA to investigate the story. He, along with others, found the claims to be false and based on a forged document, but the lie made it, nonetheless, into Bush's 2002 State of the Union speech .

Wilson responded with an op-ed piece in the Times that July, and the White House retaliated swiftly. Miller, who talked with administration officials about the issue but never wrote about it, refused to divulge her sources and was jailed. She was immediately hailed by Keller and some others as a champion of journalistic principle and integrity. In fact, her journalistic integrity level was and is scarcely above that of Jayson Blair, the erstwhile Times reporter banished for his creative writing tendencies.

A few months ago, the Times, in a rare moment of public introspection, allowed as how some of its stories about the war in Iraq war had been less than credible. It cited about a dozen examples. Most of them, although the Times never said so at the time, had been filed by Miller.

One of Miller's prime sources of information, or misinformation to put it more realistically, both before and after the invasion, was Ahmed Chalabi, the convicted Iraqi embezzler and since discredited darling of the Republican neocons -- Perle, Wolfowitz, Adelman, Rumsfeld, Feith and Cheney -- who had been plotting a takeover of Iraq long before there was a second Bush administration.

As columnist Arianna Huffington noted recently, it was Miller's closeness to Chalabi and the neocons that got her embedded with the Pentagon's Mobile Exploitation Team, the group tasked with finding Saddam's weapons of mass destruction; a daunting assignment, in that they didn't exist.

Military officers assigned to the team said it soon became known as the "Judith Miller team." Miller, one officer said, "ended up almost hijacking the mission." Another said Miller "was always issuing threats of either going to The New York Times or to the Secretary of Defense. There was nothing veiled about that threat."

Huffington also quotes an unnamed source who said Miller harbored a long-standing hatred of Wilson. This has led to speculation that Miller herself may be the elusive "source" that Patrick Fitzgerald is trying to identify. Karl Rove or Scooter Libby or both may have been Novak's source, but could Miller, who had sources inside the CIA, have been their source? Time will tell, perhaps.

Meanwhile, Miller's martyr status took a beating last week when the board of directors of the American Society of Journalists and Authors reversed an earlier decision to give its annual Conscience in Media award to her.

The Society's explanation: "A feeling that Miller's career, taken as a whole, did not make her the best candidate for the award."

Perhaps a more honest explanation would be that in order to be the conscience of the media, you first have to have one of your own.

-----
David Rossie is associate editor. His column appears on Sunday, Wednesday and Friday.
tazvil04
QUOTE(tazvil04 @ Jul 25 2005, 11:14 AM)
The Dems should begin a drum beat that sounds something like this...

President George W. Bush has demonstrated a repeated inability to effectively manage, analyze and utilize intelligence information. This incompetence has compromised and continues to represent a grave and present threat to our national security. 
*


Another opportunity to embarrass the Bush Administration.

They have no clue how to use intelligence.

U.S. knew of al Qaeda cell before 9/11-lawmaker
Tue Aug 9, 2005 10:06 PM ET

By David Morgan

WASHINGTON (Reuters) - A U.S. military intelligence team identified four Sept. 11 hijackers, including ringleader Mohammed Atta, as likely members of an al Qaeda cell in the United States over a year before the 2001 attacks, a former team member and a Republican congressman said on Tuesday.

The classified eight-member team, code-named "Able Danger," produced a chart with photographs of Atta and three other hijackers in 2000 and unsuccessfully sought to pass the information on to the FBI.

Rep. Curt Weldon, a Pennsylvania Republican who is vice chairman of both the House Armed Services and Homeland Security committees, said the information was provided to the staff of the Sept. 11 commission but some commissioners were never briefed on the material.

The panel's 2004 final report examining the Sept. 11 attacks on New York and Washington contained no information suggesting that the U.S. government knew the hijackers were operating inside the United States as early as 2000.

Lee Hamilton, the commission's former vice chairman, said panel staff interviewed "Able Danger" members in Afghanistan in October 2003 and later reviewed documents on the operation supplied on request by the Bush administration.

"Neither in the documents nor in the conversations was there any mention of a Mohammed Atta or his cell," Hamilton, a former Democratic congressman from Indiana, told Reuters in an interview. "There was no mention of Mohammed Atta and no mention of any military surveillance of him."

The former military intelligence official insists he personally told Sept. 11 commission staff members about Atta in Afghanistan, and offered to supply them with documents upon his return to the United States, only to be rebuffed.

COMMISSION REVIEWING DOCUMENTS

Former Sept. 11 commission spokesman Al Felzenberg said on Tuesday that the panel's former staff would review internal memos and other documents to make sure information about Atta was not overlooked.

"We will know by the end of the week whether we missed something," Felzenberg said.

Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld said he was unaware of the intelligence information.

"Able Danger," now disbanded, was a small classified military operation engaged in data-mining analysis of "open source" information including media reports and public records through the use of massively powerful computer systems.

Both Weldon and the former military official, who spoke to Reuters in the congressman's office, are actively encouraging intelligence officials to consider a resumption of the activity, which could mean as much as $30 million in new business for defense and intelligence contractors.

The former military official said his unit recommended that information identifying Atta and fellow hijackers Marwan al-Shehhi, Khalid al-Mihdhar and Nawaf al-Hazmi as part of an al Qaeda cell they called "Brooklyn" be forwarded to the FBI.

"They were in the country at least a year before 9/11," said the former military intelligence official, who asked not to be identified because of the sensitivity of the information.

But government lawyers advised the military's Special Operations Command, which oversaw "Able Danger," not to forward the information apparently because the four were in the United States legally on visas and should not be subject to a military operation.

"We don't know whether the lawyers were with the DOD or the White House. All we know is that (the Able Danger members) were stopped," said Weldon.

Weldon said he may ask for a formal inquiry into the issue after Congress returns from its August recess.
AFTERGLOW
ConcernedObserver
Side Issue in the Plame Case: Who Sent Her Spouse to Africa?

By Walter Pincus
Washington Post Staff Writer
Thursday, August 11, 2005; A08

The origin of Ambassador Joseph C. Wilson IV's trip to Niger in 2002 to check out intelligence reports that Saddam Hussein was attempting to purchase uranium has become a contentious side issue to the inquiry by special counsel Patrick J. Fitzgerald, who is looking into whether a crime was committed with the exposure of Valerie Plame, Wilson's wife, as a covert CIA employee.

After he went public in 2003 about the trip, senior Bush administration officials, trying to discredit Wilson's findings, told reporters that Wilson's wife, who worked at the CIA, was the one who suggested the Niger mission for her husband. Days later, Plame was named as an "agency operative" by syndicated columnist Robert D. Novak, who has said he did not realize he was, in effect, exposing a covert officer. A Senate committee report would later say evidence indicated Plame suggested Wilson for the trip.

Over the past months, however, the CIA has maintained that Wilson was chosen for the trip by senior officials in the Directorate of Operations counterproliferation division (CPD) -- not by his wife -- largely because he had handled a similar agency inquiry in Niger in 1999. On that trip, Plame, who worked in that division, had suggested him because he was planning to go there, according to Wilson and the Senate committee report.

The 2002 mission grew out of a request by Vice President Cheney on Feb. 12 for more information about a Defense Intelligence Agency report he had received that day, according to a 2004 report of the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence. An aide to Cheney would later say he did not realize at the time that this request would generate such a trip.

Wilson maintains that his wife was asked that day by one of her bosses to write a memo about his credentials for the mission--after they had selected him. That memo apparently was included in a cable to officials in Africa seeking concurrence with the choice of Wilson, the Senate report said.

Valerie Wilson's other role, according to intelligence officials, was to tell Wilson he had been selected, and then to introduce him at a meeting at the CIA on Feb. 19, 2002, where analysts from different agencies discussed the Niger trip. She told the Senate committee she left the session after her introduction.

Senior Bush administration officials told a different story about the trip's origin in the days between July 8 and July 12, 2003. They said that Wilson's wife was working at the CIA dealing with weapons of mass destruction, and she suggested him for the Niger trip, according to three reporters.

The Bush officials passing on this version were apparently attempting to undercut the credibility of Wilson, who on Sunday, July 6, 2003, said on NBC's "Meet the Press" and in The Washington Post and the New York Times that he had checked out the allegation in Niger and found it to be wrong. He criticized President Bush for misrepresenting the facts in his January 2003 State of the Union address when he said Iraq had attempted to purchase uranium from Africa.

Time magazine's Matthew Cooper has written that he was told by Karl Rove on July 11 "don't get too far out on Wilson" because information was going to be declassified soon that would cast doubt on Wilson's mission and findings. Cooper also wrote that Rove told him that Wilson's wife worked for the agency on weapons of mass destruction and that "she was responsible for sending Wilson."

This Washington Post reporter spoke the next day to an administration official, who talked on the condition of anonymity, and was told in substance "that the White House had not paid attention to the former ambassador's CIA-sponsored trip to Niger because it was set up as a boondoggle by his wife, an analyst with the agency working on weapons of mass destruction," as reported in an Oct. 14 article.

Novak had been told earlier in the week about Wilson's wife. He has written that he asked a senior administration official why Wilson, who had held a National Security Council staff position in the Clinton administration, had been given that assignment. The response, Novak wrote, was that "Wilson had been sent by the CIA's counterproliferation section at the suggestion of one of its employees, his wife." Novak then called another Bush official for confirmation and got the response "Oh, you know about it." Novak said he called the CIA on July 10, 2003, to get the agency's version. The then-CIA spokesman, Bill Harlow, told the columnist that the story he had gotten about Wilson's wife's role was not correct. Novak has written that Harlow said the CPD officials selected Wilson but that she "was delegated to request his help."

Harlow has said that he told Novak that if he wrote about the trip, he should not mention Wilson's wife's name. Novak, who published her maiden name -- Valerie Plame -- has written that Harlow's request was "meaningless" because "once it was determined that Wilson's wife suggested the mission, she could be identified as 'Valerie Plame' by reading her husband's entry in 'Who's Who in America.' "

In the July 14, 2003, column, Novak wrote that Plame was an "agency operative" and that "two senior administration officials" told him that she "suggested sending him to Niger." He also wrote that "CIA officials did not regard Wilson's intelligence as definitive" because they would expect the Niger officials to deny the allegation. Although Novak cited the two officials' version of events, he also included the CIA's opposing view: that "its counterproliferation officials selected Wilson and asked his wife to contact him."

Two other sources appear to support the view that Wilson's wife suggested her husband's trip. One is a June 2003 memo by the State Department's Bureau of Intelligence and Research (INR). The other, which depends in good part on the INR document, is a statement of the views of Sen. Pat Roberts (R-Kan.), chairman of the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, and two other Republican members. That statement was attached to the full committee report on its 2004 inquiry into the intelligence on weapons of mass destruction in Iraq.

The INR document's reference to the Wilson trip is contained in two sentences in a three-page memo on why the State Department disagreed with the idea that Iraq was seeking uranium from Africa -- a view that would ultimately be endorsed after the Iraq invasion by the U.S. weapons hunter David Kay. The notes supporting those two sentences in the INR document say that the Feb. 19, 2002, meeting at the CIA was "apparently convened by [the former ambassador's] wife who had the idea to dispatch [him] to use his contacts to sort out the Iraq-Niger uranium issue," according to the Senate intelligence committee report. But one Senate Democratic staff member said, "That was speculation, that was not true."

The full Senate committee report says that CPD officials "could not recall how the office decided to contact" Wilson but that "interviews and documents indicate his wife suggested his name for the trip." The three Republican senators wrote that they were more certain: "The plan to send the former ambassador to Niger was suggested by the former ambassador's wife, a CIA employee."

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/conte...5081001918.html
USA#1
Could Not Recall?!? - Ambiguous at least ... And the house of cards falls ... still more.

cool.gif
rox63
http://www.mediainfo.com/eandp/news/articl...t_id=1001013806

QUOTE
'Vanity Fair' Rips Media 'Conspiracy' in Covering Up Role in Plame Scandal

By Greg Mitchell

Published: August 11, 2005 9:00 PM ET

NEW YORK In an article in the September issue of Vanity Fair (not yet online), Michael Wolff, in probing the Plame/CIA leak scandal, rips those in the news media-—principally Time magazine and The New York Times--who knew that Karl Rove was one of the leakers but refused to expose what would have been “one of the biggest stories of the Bush years.” Not only that, “they helped cover it up.” You might say, he adds, they “became part of a conspiracy.”

If they had burned this unworthy source and exposed his “crime,” he adds, it would have been “of such consequences that it might, reasonably, have presaged the defeat of the president, might have even—to be slightly melodramatic—altered the course of the war in Iraq.” In doing so they showed they owed their greatest allegiance to the source, not their readers.

And their source was no Deep Throat, not someone with dirt on the government—-the source “was the government.”

So in the end, he concludes, “the greatest news organizations in the land had a story about a potential crime that reached as close as you can get to the president himself and they punted, they swallowed it, they self-dealt.” And why did they do it? Well, “a source is a source who, unrevealed, will continue to be a source.”

Even after the news first emerged last month that Rove had leaked to Cooper, the media still waited days to even ask the White House press secretary about it. It was a story, "in full view, the media just ignored."

The title of the Wolff article is "All Roads Lead to Rove."

Wolff mocks Time’s Matt Cooper and Norman Pearlstine and can’t seem to make heads or tails of “genuinely spooky” Robert Novak. He holds off full judgment on the Times’ jailed reporter Judith Miller, while noting the "baloney" she retailed for the White House. But he pointedly notes, concerning Miller, that reporters are born “blabbermouths” and even when they don’t write or print a certain story they are prone to “serve it up to everybody they know.”

He closes with a frontal blast at the media, many members of which will soon be exposed, he predicts, for having “lined up for these lies” spun by the White House.
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