Help - Search - Members - Calendar
Full Version: Snuffysmith's Blog - June 26th - September 17th, 2007
Common Ground Common Sense > National & International News > Op-Ed Articles from the Mainstream Media > Op-Ed Articles from the Mainstream Media Archive
Pages: 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40
Snuffysmith

Bush and Napoleon Both Believed Their Own Propaganda About a "Greater Middle East"

Juan Cole, Tomdispatch.com

There are times when the resonances of history are positively eerie. The parallels of Napoleon's occupation of Egypt with Bush's disaster in Iraq are enough to make you jump out of your chair.
Snuffysmith

Tim Robbins: "If You F**k Things Up You Can No Longer Be An Expert" [VIDEO]

Post by Adam Howard
Video: Tim Robbins and Bill Maher clash with Cheney biographer Stephen Hayes about the rationale for the Iraq War. More »

Snuffysmith

Stephen Colbert Flips Through His Iraq War Scrapbook [VIDEO]
Video: This coming week will mark the five year anniversary of Cheney's speech before the VFW where he unequivocally stated that Saddam had WMD. More »


Obama: "Nobody Had a Longer Resume Than Cheney, Rumsfeld and That Hasn't Worked Out So Well" [VIDEO]
Video: Barack Obama laughs off the coverage of his so-called gaffes, addresses the experience question and explains what his strategy will be going forward in the '08 race for the White House. More »

Snuffysmith
Romney Campaign Braces For Mormon Massacre Film
Posted on August 25, 2007 at 8:43 AM.

The almost uniformly poor reviews of "September Dawn" could be good news for presidential hopeful and former Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney, who is Mormon, if they dissuade people from going to see the movie, which opened Aug. 24 in 800 to 1,000 theaters nationwide.

The movie portrays the band of Mormons who carried out the attack as icy, grim-faced religious extremists driven to mass murder by their own paranoia and fanatical fundamentalism. The film version depicts Mormon icon Brigham Young being complicit in planning the attack. In the bloody climax -- the incident that's come to be known as the Mountain Meadows Massacre -- dozens of defenseless men, women and children are shot, stabbed, bludgeoned and hacked to death.

Read the full story »

Snuffysmith
Fault Lines : Generals Differ On Iraq Pull Out Dates
Posted on August 25, 2007 at 10:45 AM.

As the Bush administration mulls options for withdrawing forces in Iraq, fault lines are beginning to emerge in a debate between commanders in the field who favor slow reductions and senior generals at the Pentagon who favor cutting the number of combat troops more deeply.

Among others, Gen. Peter Pace, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and Gen. George W. Casey Jr., the Army chief of staff, are said to be leaning toward a recommendation that steep reductions by the end of 2008, perhaps to half of the 20 combat brigades now in Iraq, should be the administration's goal.

Read the full story »

Snuffysmith
Bush's Killing Fields
Turning Iraq into Vietnam

By MARJORIE COHN

Desperate to shore up support for continuing his unpopular war on Iraq, George W. Bush drew an analogy with Vietnam when he addressed the Veterans of Foreign Wars. "The price of America's withdrawal [from Vietnam] was paid by millions of innocent citizens," Bush declared. But he overlooked the four million Indochinese and 58,000 American soldiers who paid the ultimate price for that imperial war. And the myriad Vietnamese and Americans who continue to suffer the devastating effects of the defoliant Agent Orange the U.S. forces dropped on Vietnam. The 10 years it took to end our war there claimed untold numbers of lives.

Bush cited the "killing fields," referring to the more than one million Cambodians who died after we pulled out of Vietnam. He failed to mention that if Richard Nixon had ended the war by 1969, as the antiwar movement was demanding, the war wouldn't have extended into Cambodia. Secret U.S. carpet bombing of Cambodia destroyed that country, enabling Pol Pot and the Khmer Rouge to come to power. Nixon, too, had warned of a bloodbath in Vietnam to justify continuing his war.

Contrary to the picture Bush painted, Vietnam is a unified, stable country that doesn't threaten the region; it has become a trading partner of the United States.

In his desperation to rationalize the death and destruction he is wreaking in Iraq, Bush credited the United States with the great progress South Korea and Japan have made. He didn't say that the people of North and South Korea seek to reunify their country but the United States stands in the way. And Bush neglected to add that his government is pressuring Japan to repeal Article 9 of its Peace Constitution which now forbids the aggressive use of military force.

George Bush also reiterated that Iraq is "the central front" of the war on terror. But for his invasion, war and occupation of Iraq, however, al Qaeda wouldn't be there.

Bush claimed "our troops are seeing this progress that is being made on the ground." Perhaps the President didn't read the elegant op-ed that seven infantrymen and noncommissioned officers penned in the New York Times last week. "The claim that we are increasingly in control of the battlefield in Iraq is an assessment arrived at through a flawed, American-centered framework," they wrote. The soldiers noted the two million Iraqis in refugee camps and close to two million more who are internally displaced. "Four years into our occupation, we have failed on every promise, while we have substituted Baath Party tyranny with a tyranny of Islamist, militia and criminal violence."

The only reason we stayed in Vietnam as long as we did was to avoid the U.S. superpower from being perceived as the "loser." American involvement in Vietnam finally ended because our soldiers refused to fight, our people took to the streets in record numbers, Nixon was weakened by his impending impeachment, and the North Vietnamese--unlike the government in the South--won the hearts and minds of the Vietnamese people.

Congress has no more will to end the Iraq War than it did the Vietnam War. It was one year after our troops came home that Congress finally cut the funding for all support of the South Vietnamese government; Nixon didn't veto the bill because he needed insurance against impeachment. There is no substantial support in Congress or among the leading presidential candidates to bring all the troops home and disband the mega-bases Bush has built in Iraq.

Resistance to the Iraq War will continue to grow within the military. Like the Vietnamese, the Iraqis will be instrumental in ending Bush's war. The soldiers pegged it in their op-ed: Iraqis "will soon realize that the best way to regain their dignity is to call us what we are--an army of occupation--and force our withdrawal."

Marjorie Cohn is a professor at Thomas Jefferson School of Law and president of the National Lawyers Guild. She is the author of Cowboy Republic: Six Ways the Bush Gang Has Defied the Law

http://www.counterpunch.org/cohn08252007.html
Snuffysmith

The Future of Three Nations

Extending NAFTA's Reach
By LAURA CARLSEN

Beyond the vague feel-good rhetoric about a "prosperous neighborhood" and "common commitments" the Canadian, U.S., and Mexican leaders each seemed to have his particular agenda. Canada fears another economically disastrous border closing like the one following the 2001 terrorist attacks and wants to assure it doesn't happen again. Bush emphasized the corporate wish-list of eliminating remaining barriers and harmonizing regulations. Calderon fears that Mexico is losing its NAFTA edge in the U.S. market and called for forming a regional trade bloc to compete with other regions of the world. No joint policy decisions or objectives were announced.

No wonder the public's confused.


A Short History


The Security and Prosperity Partnership (SPP) was launched in Waco, Texas in March 2005. The heads of state of the three NAFTA countries, other government officials, and business groups have met periodically to hammer out agreements to speed up integration and increase security. This has been done with almost no public input or Congressional oversight.

Since the SPP is not a law or a treaty or even a signed agreement, there are no formal mechanisms of accountability built in. It is essentially a "gentleman's agreement" between the executive branches and major corporations in the three nations.

This is what has people worried. Largely unknown to the public, the SPP has spawned numerous working groups, reports, and recommendations. In 2006, the private sector was brought in with the formation of the North American Competitiveness Council (NACC). This body is made up of business representatives from industries involved in intercontinental trade and investment, including Wal-Mart, Lockheed Martin, the Mexican Foreign Trade Council, Canada's Suncor Energy, and others. The Council does not include representatives of labor, environmental, or civil society organizations.

Government officials have justified the secrecy by stating that the SPP is merely a forum for refining rules and standards for transborder transactions. However, the little that is known about it reveals that some major issues are on the table.

Many of those go way beyond what was passed by North American legislatures under NAFTA. They include extraterritorial rights over natural resources, extension of the Bush administration's vastly unpopular counter-terrorism agenda to Canada and Mexico, liberalization of financial services, and most likely a billion-dollar counternarcotics aid package to Mexico.

Although rarely identified as such, some SPP recommendations have already popped up in policies and regulation reforms. These include accelerating environmentally damaging oil production in Mexico and Canada, and "harmonizing" national standards so they sing to the tune of corporate profits rather than consumer protection.

For example, Canada has agreed to raise the amount of pesticide residues allowed in some foods and Mexico has adopted a counter-terrorism law that contradicts its own foreign policy principles. In the United States, proposed highway construction to facilitate intercontinental trade has angered environmentalists and local populations and raised questions about what exactly is the overall "vision" that the SPP purports to have.

Many of the recommendations of the SPP will have a long-term impact on citizens' lives. While opposition has focused on resource use, consumer norms, and infrastructure, the security component of the partnership may prove to be the most far-reaching of all.

The Security and Prosperity Partnership was born in the post-9/11 era, when President Bush sought to extend U.S. counter-terrorism strategies to Mexico and Canada, and Homeland Security became a major player in the trilateral relationship. The counternarcotics proposal falls under the rubric of this new area. The package would include the delivery of U.S. arms and surveillance equipment, sophisticated espionage programs, and training for Mexico's police and army.

Although negotiations on security issues have been among the most tightly guarded, immigration crackdowns on Mexico's southern border and Canada's "no-fly" list of people banned from air travel were most likely negotiated in the context of the SPP.


The Forgotten Issues of Integration


As the SPP extends its purview, the most pressing challenges to trinational integration have been inexplicably left off the agenda. Immigration, which has experienced a two-fold increase since NAFTA, has been discarded as too politically sensitive in the United States to discuss as a regional issue-despite the fact that integration processes in other parts of the world have recognized that labor flows are a central issue of regional integration.

Calderon reportedly expressed concern over harsh new employer sanctions in the United States and the "void" left in the immigration law following the recent failure of the U.S. Congress to pass reforms that effectively deal with the estimated 12 million undocumented U.S. residents. However, no mention was made of measures to reduce deaths and human rights violations on the shared U.S.-Mexico border, provide compensation funds to Mexico's displaced sectors, or regularize Mexican immigrants in U.S. communities.

Another taboo subject was the total elimination of tariffs on corn and beans in Mexico, slated for January of 2008 under NAFTA's agricultural chapter. Mexican small farmers have demanded renegotiation of the chapter, charging it will drive them out of business and increase out-migration. But according to government representatives, the three governments decided not to take up the issue in Montebello.

Nor did those driving the latest stage of regional integration deign to deal with urgent matters such as the impact of NAFTA on job loss and job quality in the United States, or the growing monopolistic control of production and markets exercised by transnational corporations-a subject understandably off the table of a "competitiveness council" led by global market gobblers like Wal-Mart.


Voices of Dissent


Citizen groups have mobilized in all three countries to demand information and protest the priorities of "deep integration" designed in the upper spheres of commerce and government. Canadian citizen groups on hand to protest the summit proceedings were met with tear gas, pepper spray, and police provocateurs.

Elected representatives have also objected to the secrecy of the SPP. In May the Mexican legislature passed a resolution that requires President Calderon to send the Senate a detailed report on all agreements that government officials have assumed in SPP working groups. The U.S. House of Representatives approved an amendment that prohibits the use of Department of Transportation funds in SPP working groups until the Congress has reviewed and assessed the SPP agenda. Although this amendment was rejected in the Senate, several more anti-SPP resolutions have been presented. A motion that calls for public consultations on the SPP has been tabled in the Canadian Parliament.

The United States, Canada, and Mexico trade a total of $883 billion under NAFTA. The three nations clearly need mechanisms to assure that these flows are safe, orderly, and mutually beneficial.

The SPP, however, has surreptitiously proceeded well beyond the regulatory mandate into areas that threaten the sovereignty of the three nations and will have long-term effects on the lives of their citizens. This has happened not only without citizen participation, but also in many cases without citizens' knowledge.

Trilateral decisions that affect entire populations should be open to the public and subject to citizen review. The priority should always be placed on increasing the long-term well-being of the people. As democracies we cannot allow the course of North American integration to be dictated by a closed group of corporate and cabinet representatives.

At stake is the future of our three nations, and the continent we share.

Laura Carlsen is the director of the Americas Program at www.americaspolicy.org in Mexico City, where she has been a writer and political analyst for more than two decades.

http://www.counterpunch.org/carlsen08252007.html
Snuffysmith

Robert Fisk: Even I question the 'truth' about 9/11

Published: 25 August 2007
Each time I lecture abroad on the Middle East, there is always someone in the audience – just one – whom I call the "raver". Apologies here to all the men and women who come to my talks with bright and pertinent questions – often quite humbling ones for me as a journalist – and which show that they understand the Middle East tragedy a lot better than the journalists who report it. But the "raver" is real. He has turned up in corporeal form in Stockholm and in Oxford, in Sao Paulo and in Yerevan, in Cairo, in Los Angeles and, in female form, in Barcelona. No matter the country, there will always be a "raver".

His – or her – question goes like this. Why, if you believe you're a free journalist, don't you report what you really know about 9/11? Why don't you tell the truth – that the Bush administration (or the CIA or Mossad, you name it) blew up the twin towers? Why don't you reveal the secrets behind 9/11? The assumption in each case is that Fisk knows – that Fisk has an absolute concrete, copper-bottomed fact-filled desk containing final proof of what "all the world knows" (that usually is the phrase) – who destroyed the twin towers. Sometimes the "raver" is clearly distressed. One man in Cork screamed his question at me, and then – the moment I suggested that his version of the plot was a bit odd – left the hall, shouting abuse and kicking over chairs.

Usually, I have tried to tell the "truth"; that while there are unanswered questions about 9/11, I am the Middle East correspondent of The Independent, not the conspiracy correspondent; that I have quite enough real plots on my hands in Lebanon, Iraq, Syria, Iran, the Gulf, etc, to worry about imaginary ones in Manhattan. My final argument – a clincher, in my view – is that the Bush administration has screwed up everything – militarily, politically diplomatically – it has tried to do in the Middle East; so how on earth could it successfully bring off the international crimes against humanity in the United States on 11 September 2001?

Well, I still hold to that view. Any military which can claim – as the Americans did two days ago – that al-Qa'ida is on the run is not capable of carrying out anything on the scale of 9/11. "We disrupted al-Qa'ida, causing them to run," Colonel David Sutherland said of the preposterously code-named "Operation Lightning Hammer" in Iraq's Diyala province. "Their fear of facing our forces proves the terrorists know there is no safe haven for them." And more of the same, all of it untrue.

Within hours, al-Qa'ida attacked Baquba in battalion strength and slaughtered all the local sheikhs who had thrown in their hand with the Americans. It reminds me of Vietnam, the war which George Bush watched from the skies over Texas – which may account for why he this week mixed up the end of the Vietnam war with the genocide in a different country called Cambodia, whose population was eventually rescued by the same Vietnamese whom Mr Bush's more courageous colleagues had been fighting all along.

But – here we go. I am increasingly troubled at the inconsistencies in the official narrative of 9/11. It's not just the obvious non sequiturs: where are the aircraft parts (engines, etc) from the attack on the Pentagon? Why have the officials involved in the United 93 flight (which crashed in Pennsylvania) been muzzled? Why did flight 93's debris spread over miles when it was supposed to have crashed in one piece in a field? Again, I'm not talking about the crazed "research" of David Icke's Alice in Wonderland and the World Trade Center Disaster – which should send any sane man back to reading the telephone directory.

I am talking about scientific issues. If it is true, for example, that kerosene burns at 820C under optimum conditions, how come the steel beams of the twin towers – whose melting point is supposed to be about 1,480C – would snap through at the same time? (They collapsed in 8.1 and 10 seconds.) What about the third tower – the so-called World Trade Centre Building 7 (or the Salmon Brothers Building) – which collapsed in 6.6 seconds in its own footprint at 5.20pm on 11 September? Why did it so neatly fall to the ground when no aircraft had hit it? The American National Institute of Standards and Technology was instructed to analyse the cause of the destruction of all three buildings. They have not yet reported on WTC 7. Two prominent American professors of mechanical engineering – very definitely not in the "raver" bracket – are now legally challenging the terms of reference of this final report on the grounds that it could be "fraudulent or deceptive".

Journalistically, there were many odd things about 9/11. Initial reports of reporters that they heard "explosions" in the towers – which could well have been the beams cracking – are easy to dismiss. Less so the report that the body of a female air crew member was found in a Manhattan street with her hands bound. OK, so let's claim that was just hearsay reporting at the time, just as the CIA's list of Arab suicide-hijackers, which included three men who were – and still are – very much alive and living in the Middle East, was an initial intelligence error.

But what about the weird letter allegedly written by Mohamed Atta, the Egyptian hijacker-murderer with the spooky face, whose "Islamic" advice to his gruesome comrades – released by the CIA – mystified every Muslim friend I know in the Middle East? Atta mentioned his family – which no Muslim, however ill-taught, would be likely to include in such a prayer. He reminds his comrades-in-murder to say the first Muslim prayer of the day and then goes on to quote from it. But no Muslim would need such a reminder – let alone expect the text of the "Fajr" prayer to be included in Atta's letter.

Let me repeat. I am not a conspiracy theorist. Spare me the ravers. Spare me the plots. But like everyone else, I would like to know the full story of 9/11, not least because it was the trigger for the whole lunatic, meretricious "war on terror" which has led us to disaster in Iraq and Afghanistan and in much of the Middle East. Bush's happily departed adviser Karl Rove once said that "we're an empire now – we create our own reality". True? At least tell us. It would stop people kicking over chairs.

http://www.opednews.com/maxwrite/linkframe.php?linkid=40856
Snuffysmith
Gareth Porter

Bush's "Killing Fields" and the Real Lesson of Vietnam

Posted August 23, 2007

George Bush's invocation of the "killing fields" in Cambodia to try to bolster his failing argument for an indefinite continuation of the Iraq occupation was a reference to the extreme right's decades-old rant that U.S. withdrawal from Vietnam caused the bloodbath in Pol Pot's Cambodia.

That argument makes a hash of the history of the Vietnam era, but maybe it's a good thing that he has brought it up now. The media and the blogosphere need to go back over how the killing fields actually came about. The fact is, more than three decades after the end of the U.S. military involvement in Indochina, there has still not been a real debate about the relationship between U.S. policy in Vietnam and the human consequences for Cambodia.

The heavy-breathing right-wing crowd has long blamed the anti-war movement, Congress and anyone else who supported the withdrawal of U.S. forces from Vietnam for the unnumbered dead in Cambodia under the Khmer Rouge regime. That argument has been used as an ideological cudgel to keep intellectuals and the media in line, so the next time the United States goes to war and it turns sour, they would be afraid to demand an end to it. Now it's time to drive a stake through it once and for all.

What Bush and his extreme right-wing allies don't want Americans to remember is that it was the American war in Vietnam that made the Khmer Rouge such an irresistible power in Cambodia. Before the U.S. ground troops poured into Vietnam in 1965, there was no armed struggle by the Cambodian Communist movement. It was only because of the spillover of the U.S. war between 1965 and 1969 that they were given the opportunity to contest for power.

U.S. B-52 attacks and ground operations against the Viet Cong base areas in South Vietnam pushed the Viet Cong troops across the border into the jungles of Eastern Cambodia. That, in turn, destabilized Cambodia's economy, as the Viet Cong troops purchased an estimated 40 Cambodia's rice exports on the black market. That in turn led the Cambodian military to use force to get rice from peasants at artificially low prices. The Communists in Cambodia quickly took advantage of that situation to launch an armed uprising.

Even after four years of war in Vietnam, however, the Khmer Rouge were far from being able to contest for national power in Cambodia. In 1970, they had an estimated 2,400 to 4,000 guerrillas, few of whom had modern weapons.

This is where the story is full of bitter irony. Had Richard Nixon chosen to negotiate a quick end to the war, the Vietnamese troops would have left Cambodia, Sihanouk probably would have remained in power and Pol Pot's Khmer Rouge would probably have remained a footnote to history. Instead, however, Nixon opted for four more years of war, and in order to gain time politically, he invoked the threat of a "bloodbath" in Vietnam if the United States were to withdraw prematurely.

That was a completely phony issue for which Nixon and Kissinger did not have a shred of evidence. But Nixon's decision against peace in Vietnam set in motion another new dynamic that made the postwar massacre in Cambodia inevitable.

When Sihanouk's right-wing opponents ousted him from power in March 1970, it may or may not have been with the explicit encouragement of the Nixon administration. The full story has yet to be written on that question. But Nixon did nothing to try to reverse a process that could only result in Cambodia being completely engulfed in war.

After just two years of extremely heavy bombing by the United States of the vast Khmer Rouge zone of Cambodia, that movement had exploded to some 50,000 troops and was able to go on the offensive. By then, nothing except a massive number of U.S. ground troops in Cambodia indefinitely could have stopped the Khmer Rouge victory.

It was the Nixon's geographical escalation of the Vietnam War itself -- not of the success of the antiwar movement or Congressional fatigue with war - that produced that outcome.

So the real lesson of the Vietnam-Cambodia war is that U.S. elective war is profoundly destabilizing, and that destabilization has a terrible human cost, which may spread beyond the country where the war began.

But there is a further lesson from that war. When Nixon began crying "bloodbath" in 1969 the Vietnam War was already four years old. It was his fateful decision to continue and escalate that war that brought about the Cambodian catastrophe. The longer American wars of occupation are continued, the worse the human and political consequences.

Now history appears to be repeating itself. Once again, after four years of war, a president is crying "bloodbath" even as he appears to be headed toward the geographical escalation of the war. Only this time the escalation will be far more dangerous than was the escalation into Cambodia in 1970.
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/dr-gareth-po...-a_b_61577.html
Snuffysmith
An Acid Trip Gone Bad
by
Fred Reed
by Fred Ree

I have just returned from two weeks in Washington and find myself almost giggling with despair, or perhaps chortling at the madness. I need a bottle of Padre Kino, maybe laced with Haldol.

I figure the whole country must be smoking dope, because they've all got the fears. Or so it appears at first. In stations of Metro, the city's subway, a recording told us over and over that Metro had new secure trash cans and – I think this is verbatim – "You can now put your trash where it belongs without fear." Yes, brethren and cistern, you can throw away that newspaper in a state of calm.

We're afraid of trash cans? What would Davy Crockett think?

As best I can tell, Homeland Security thought, or pretended to think, that a wily terrorist might put a bomb in the trash cans. So they built blast-proof cans after taking out the vulnerable old cans. Some company made a fortune supplying them, Homeland Security being a richly flowing monetary teat. Personally I feel much safer.

The city is like an acid trip gone bad. On electronic signs on overpasses one sees that the Threat Level is Orange – kind of scared, but not yet with the screaming shaking gollywoggles. What does that mean? What do you do in Condition Orange that you don't do in Condition Green? (Actually Green seems not to exist. The point appears to be to keep people in a constant state of moderate anxiety.)

At National Airport, my plane had minor maintenance problems and the repair crews had the engines opened. The announcer or whatever you call him repeatedly told us "not to panic." Oh. I'm going to panic because they're putting a new valve in the de-icing generator? Meanwhile, everywhere the government can insert its fingers, the recorded warnings: Watch everybody else and call this number if…report suspicious behavior…look for abandoned packages…lift your feet when using the escalators…Threat Level Orange.

I looked for indications that anyone was paying the slightest attention to this twaddle and couldn't find any. I half expected people to approach a trash can on tiptoe, from behind, so that it Wouldn't Suspect. No. They just stuffed things into it. The passengers didn't watch each other, instead burying themselves in the sports section or bouncing to whatever was on the iPod.

A lot of people think that all this fearaganda springs from some closely calculated plot to make people support the wars, or give the feds unlimited power so they can protect us. Well, it looks that way. Perhaps a few in government take it seriously. You know, eternal vigilance is the price of freedom, rather than a good way to lose it.

I don't know. But it is a bureaucratized terror, coated with a sort of Madison Avenue inanity. Terror by Disney. I get the impression that it is a response more to boredom than to peril. Life is pretty tedious going to the cubicle farm every day. Living in an imaginary war zone relieves the ennui. The Homeland Security people, not exactly a scintillating crew, get to feel important, have a sense of mission and maybe even be noticed. In a meaningless life, the chance to go mano a mano with bin Laden, even if only by tilting at trash cans, is better than nothing.

The disjuncture between the wars of Mr. Bush and the country as a whole was striking. While the wars are a topic of conversation, there is little passion. In the absence of a draft, no one is affected by them who doesn't want to be. Washington's sophisticated send few of their sons to Iraq voluntarily or otherwise. Being savvy and therefore cynical, they know the wars are politically driven spasms in which they have no stake. They don't know soldiers and would have little in common with them. Thus they view the conflicts as they might an earthquake in Peru.

On this trip I spent several hours at Walter Reed Army Hospital, where guys with one leg hobbled around on crutches. Having passed a year as a patient at Bethesda Naval Hospital as a consequence of another witless war, I knew what I would find should I visit the wards at Walter Reed: the blind, the faceless, the hopelessly gutshot, and the quadriplegics who would spend the rest of what can't quite be called a life being turned at intervals to avoid bedsores.

I do not know today's soldiers, having left the military beat midway through the Nineties. How many of them know they were suckered as we were, and how many still buy the patriotic hoopla favored in small towns, I don't know. Theirs is a very different world from that of the intimate blues bars of Upper Connecticut Avenue. I wonder what the spindly milquetoast hawks of National Review would think if they saw the human wreckage of the military hospitals, which they won't.

When I am dictator, I will strap the mothers of the graduating class of Harvard to the front bumpers of Humvees in Baghdad, and see how long support for the war lasts.

Washington is a curious city, separated from most of the rest of the United States by a gaping cultural chasm. It is probably the nation's best-educated town, and it is certainly a place where people know the score. The population consists of politicians, reporters, beltway bandits attached to Uncle Sucker's well-worn mammaries, wonks from policy shops, or outfits supplying all of them with one thing or another. In a country that doesn't, they travel.

It doesn't make them better people than others. It means that they know it's all a game, a matter of whose rice bowl gets filled by what contract and who gets re-elected how. Things are dirty and rigged and one either hides things from the public or misrepresents them to gull the rubes. This of course is no secret. It doesn't have to be. It works anyway.

One night I sat in the Zoo Bar, across Connecticut Avenue from the entrance to the zoo, with friends just back from Yemen. The Zoo Bar isn't upscale, running to burgers and Bud. Washington is more about power than glitter. Important staffers from the Hill will show up in jeans for blues and brew.

At the next table two guys were talking of some contract with DoD, talking in detail of RFPs and set-asides and who on what committee on the Hill had to be sold. That's DC. Meanwhile the subway reassured riders about the safety of trash cans and, only a few stops away, soldiers from other worlds learned to use their wheel chairs. An acid trip gone bad.

August 24, 2007

Fred Reed is author of Nekkid in Austin: Drop Your Inner Child Down a Well and the just-published A Brass Pole in Bangkok: A Thing I Aspire to Be. Visit his blog.

Copyright © 2007 Fred Reed

http://www.lewrockwell.com/reed/reed131.html
Snuffysmith
Swift-Boated by bin Laden

By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN
Published: August 26, 2007


One thing that has always baffled me about the Bush team’s war effort in Iraq and against Al Qaeda is this: How could an administration that was so good at Swift-boating its political opponents at home be so inept at Swift-boating its geopolitical opponents abroad?

How could the Bush team Swift-boat John Kerry and Max Cleland — authentic Vietnam war heroes, whom the White House turned into surrendering pacifists in the war on terror — but never manage to Swift-boat Osama bin Laden, a genocidal monster, who today is still regarded in many quarters as the vanguard of anti-American “resistance.”

Dive into a conversation about America in the Arab world today, or even in Europe and Africa, and it won’t take 30 seconds before the words “Abu Ghraib” and “Guantánamo Bay” are thrown at you. Yes, both are shameful, but Abu Ghraib was a day at the beach compared to what Al Qaeda and its Sunni jihadist supporters have been doing in Iraq, yet none of their acts have become one-punch global insults like Abu Ghraib and Guantánamo.

Consider what happened on Aug. 14. Four jihadist suicide-bombers blew themselves up in two Iraqi villages, killing more than 500 Kurdish civilians — men, women and babies — who belonged to a tiny pre-Islamic sect known as the Yazidis.

And what was the Bush team’s response to this outrage? Virtual silence. After much Googling, the best I could find was: “ ‘We’re looking at Al Qaeda as the prime suspect,’ said Lt. Col. Christopher Garver, a U.S. military spokesman.” Wow.

Excuse me, but what exactly are we fighting for in Iraq, or in this wider war against Islamist extremism, if the murder of 500 civilians can be shrugged off? Even if we don’t know the exact perpetrators, we know who is inspiring this sort of genocide — Al Qaeda and bin Laden — and we need to say that every day.

Ask yourself this: If Osama bin Laden were running against George Bush for president, how would Karl Rove and Karen Hughes have handled the Yazidi murders? Within an hour, they’d have had a press release out saying: “This genocide of Iraqi civilians was inspired by bin Laden. We accuse bin Laden of the mass murder of 500 women and children. Bin Laden has killed more Iraqis and Muslims than any person alive. Support bin Laden and you support genocide against Muslims.” And they would have repeated that point on every network, every day.

Why should we care? Because bin Laden and his sidekick Ayman al-Zawahiri care! Read their statements. They care about their image. They do not want to be labeled as “genocide perpetrators.” They want to be known as the “resistance,” because it affects their street appeal and therefore their ability to recruit and operate.

Sure, some Sunni tribes in Iraq, who are directly threatened by Al Qaeda, have turned against it, but in the wider Arab-Muslim world bin Laden has out-maneuvered Mr. Bush. The man who Swift-boated John Kerry and Max Cleland has been Swift-boated by bin Laden. Mr. Bush is losing a P.R. war to a mass murderer. Yes, it is not easy breaking through the innate, anti-American tilt of the Arab media, but we have barely tried.

I spent Friday hanging around the newsroom of Al Jazeera here in Doha, on the Persian Gulf. I asked Arab reporters here what would be the results of a popularity poll in the region between Mr. Bush and bin Laden. Mr. Bush wouldn’t stand a chance, they said. One big difference between them, though, added one journalist, “is that Bush’s term is about to come to an end and bin Laden is staying in office.” An Egyptian analyst here added that liberals in the Arab world who supported the U.S. democratization effort in Iraq are now dismissed in the Arabic press as “intellectual marines.” U.S. marine is now a term of insult.

Bin Laden has created a situation in which the U.S. occupation in Iraq is viewed as entirely “illegitimate” and therefore any violence there by Sunni jihadists against Americans or Iraqi civilians is considered entirely legitimate “resistance.”

As The Economist magazine just noted, “This is profoundly mistaken.” Yes, military attacks against foreign soldiers who have come uninvited into your country can be called “resistance.” “But the mass murder of Iraqi civilians can make no such dignified claim. Under all established norms and laws of war (and by most accounts under Islamic law, too), the deliberate targeting of civilians for no direct military purposes is just a crime.”

So why don’t we say that? If you can’t win a P.R. war against bin Laden, you have no business fighting a real war anymore in Iraq.
http://select.nytimes.com/2007/08/26/opini...riedman.html?hp
Snuffysmith

Maybe Trading Up Soon at Justice
August 24, 2007 06:02 PM ET | Bedard, Paul | Permanent Link
The buzz among top Bushies is that beleaguered Attorney General Alberto Gonzales finally plans to depart and will be replaced by Homeland Security Secretary Michael Chertoff. Why Chertoff? Officials say he's got fans on Capitol Hill, is untouched by the Justice prosecutor scandal, and has more experience than Gonzales did, having served as a federal judge and assistant attorney general.

http://www.usnews.com/blogs/washington-whi...ding-up-soon-at
Snuffysmith
Former Senator Cleland Disputes Bush's Vietnam Analogy on Iraq

Molly PetersonSat Aug 25, 11:06 AM ET

Aug. 25 (Bloomberg) -- Former Democratic U.S. Senator Max Cleland, a disabled Vietnam veteran, said President George W. Bush made a faulty analogy when he cited that war to bolster his case for continuing U.S. military operations in Iraq.

``One of the lessons to be learned from Vietnam is that the commitment of American military strength alone cannot solve another country's political weakness,'' Cleland said today in the Democratic Party's weekly radio address. ``This should be a somber warning to us all to responsibly end the war in Iraq and the additional loss of precious American lives.''

Bush said Aug. 22 that an early pullout from Iraq would lead to the kind of bloodshed Southeast Asia experienced after U.S. forces left Vietnam in 1975.

``Some can argue our withdrawal from Vietnam carried no price for American credibility, but the terrorists see it differently,'' Bush said in Kansas City in a speech to the Veterans of Foreign Wars, the largest U.S. veterans' group.

Cleland, who was defeated for the Senate in 2002 by Republican Saxby Chambliss, said Bush has a ``credibility gap'' just as political leaders during the Vietnam era did, and is ``trying to sell the American people a bill of goods on the Iraq war.''

``I've seen this movie before. I know how it ends,'' Cleland, who lost both legs and his right arm in a grenade explosion in 1968, said. ``I know all the PR in the world didn't change the truth on the ground in Vietnam and won't change the truth on the ground today in Iraq.''

Congress

Army General David Petraeus and U.S. Ambassador Ryan Crocker are scheduled to testify to Congress on Sept. 11 on progress since the U.S. sent about 30,000 additional troops to Iraq, bringing the force there to about 160,000.

Senator John Warner of Virginia, the senior Republican on the Armed Services Committee, this week urged Bush to begin withdrawing troops from Iraq by Sept. 15 to show the Iraqi government that the U.S. commitment there isn't open-ended.

The number of troops to be withdrawn and the timing would be up to the president, Warner, who was secretary of the Navy during the Vietnam War, said at an Aug. 23 news conference.

Some 3,722 U.S. personnel had died in Iraq as of yesterday, of whom 3,049 were killed in action. More than 27,500 have been wounded, 12,340 of them so seriously that they couldn't return to duty, according to the Defense Department Web site.

In Vietnam, Cleland said, 58,000 Americans were killed and 350,000 were wounded. ``I know something about the price that was paid for continuing that war long after it was clear we could not succeed,'' he said.

To contact the reporter on this story: Molly Peterson in Washington at mpeterson9@bloomberg.net

Copyright © 2007 Bloomberg L.P. All Rights Reserved.
Copyright © 2007 Yahoo! Inc. All rights reserved.
Snuffysmith
When It Comes to Foreign Policy, What Counts as Experience?

By HELENE COOPER
Published: August 25, 2007

WASHINGTON, Aug. 24 — During Sunday’s Democratic debate, the candidates spent an awful lot of time discussing whether Senator Barack Obama has enough foreign policy experience to be president — so much so, in fact, that Mr. Obama quipped that “to prepare for this debate I rode the bumper cars at the state fair.”

But does time spent as United Nations ambassador, director of the Central Intelligence Agency, or first lady really cut much ice when you become commander in chief? A surprising number of experts on American presidencies said “no.”

“I think experience is a terribly overrated idea when it comes to thinking about who should become president,” said Robert Dallek, author of “Nixon and Kissinger, Partners in Power” (HarperCollins). “Experience helped Richard Nixon, but it didn’t save him, and it certainly wasn’t a blanket endorsement. He blundered terribly in dealing with Vietnam.”

Mr. Dallek — and every presidential historian interviewed for this article (four, if anyone is fact-checking), argued that the whole question of Mr. Obama’s experience is a nonissue, one manufactured by candidates in a hot campaign who are looking to exploit any perceived weakness they can find.

In the past 50 years, American presidents have come to office with a range of foreign policy credentials, from none (John F. Kennedy, Jimmy Carter, Ronald Reagan, Bill Clinton, George W. Bush) to some (Lyndon Johnson, Gerald Ford) to a lot (Richard Nixon, George Bush). Nixon and the first president Bush ascended into office with stacked resumes.

“Nixon wandered the world sticking his head in American embassies,” said Steve Hess, a presidential historian at George Washington University who served on the White House staffs of Presidents Eisenhower and Nixon. “But even there, Kissinger gets a heap of credit for what happened during his presidency.”

Like Mr. Nixon, the first President Bush came into office with a resume that read like he was auditioning for head of the Council on Foreign Relations, the think tank based in New York that is filled with former United States officials, journalists, and whatever else passes for the foreign policy literati today. As a Navy pilot during World War II, Mr. Bush flew 58 combat missions, including one when he was shot down by the Japanese over the Pacific. He was ambassador to the United Nations, chief of the United States liaison office in China, and director of the C.I.A.

Most historians give the first President Bush a good mark for performance in foreign policy, particularly now, when his decision not to cross over into Iraq in pursuit of Saddam Hussein after the first war in the Persian Gulf is viewed in hindsight as a smart call. But remember, at the time, Mr. Bush received a lot of flack for not marching to Baghdad, and, in particular, for encouraging Iraqi Shiites to rise up, and then leaving them to be massacred by Saddam Hussein.

After Nixon and George Bush, none of the rest of America’s presidents in the past 50 years came into office with much more foreign policy experience than Mr. Obama, the son of a Kenyan father and an American mother, who grew up in Indonesia and Hawaii and who still has a relationship with his Kenyan family.

Jimmy Carter, Ronald Reagan and Bill Clinton all governors, came in as foreign policy neophytes and left office with mixed records. Mr. Carter gets credit for the Panama Canal treaties that would eventually turn control of the waterway back to Panama in 1999, and the Camp David accord between Israel and Egypt in 1978. But the Iran hostage crisis, and the botched rescue attempt in 1980 that led to the deaths of eight American service members, still haunt the historical view of his presidency.

Mr. Reagan “ended up with a fair bit of success because of his pragmatism,” Mr. Dallek says, particularly in positioning America to win the cold war. But that pragmatism also led to American misadventures in Latin America, including the Iran-Contra scandal that stained his presidency, historians say.

Mr. Clinton gets credit for Bosnia and blame for doing nothing when the Rwanda genocide took place.

The group running for the Democratic and Republican nominations are a mixed bag on the foreign policy front with Senator Joseph R. Biden Jr., Gov. Bill Richardson and Senator John McCain being the most credentialed, while Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton, one of the candidates talking the most about experience, in reality, comes up shorter, says presidential historian Richard Norton Smith, author of “Thomas E. Dewey and His Times” (Simon & Schuster). Unless being first lady counts as a foreign policy credential, Mrs. Clinton does not have that much on her resume.

“There is this osmosis working for her, that she is seen as an extension of the first Clinton presidency,” Mr. Smith said. “In lieu of more traditional experience, she benefits as being seen as the third Clinton term. There is an aura of competence about her.”

Will any of this matter when the next president takes office? “Look at what’s happened with Cheney and Rumsfeld,” Mr. Dallek said, citing the well-credentialed vice president and former defense secretary whom historians blame for leading the charge into Iraq. “That’s why I’m sympathetic to Obama. Does experience count? What really counts is judgment and what kind of judgment you have.”

http://www.nytimes.com/2007/08/25/us/polit...&oref=login
Snuffysmith
When It Comes to Foreign Policy, What Counts as Experience?

By HELENE COOPER
Published: August 25, 2007

WASHINGTON, Aug. 24 — During Sunday’s Democratic debate, the candidates spent an awful lot of time discussing whether Senator Barack Obama has enough foreign policy experience to be president — so much so, in fact, that Mr. Obama quipped that “to prepare for this debate I rode the bumper cars at the state fair.”

But does time spent as United Nations ambassador, director of the Central Intelligence Agency, or first lady really cut much ice when you become commander in chief? A surprising number of experts on American presidencies said “no.”

“I think experience is a terribly overrated idea when it comes to thinking about who should become president,” said Robert Dallek, author of “Nixon and Kissinger, Partners in Power” (HarperCollins). “Experience helped Richard Nixon, but it didn’t save him, and it certainly wasn’t a blanket endorsement. He blundered terribly in dealing with Vietnam.”

Mr. Dallek — and every presidential historian interviewed for this article (four, if anyone is fact-checking), argued that the whole question of Mr. Obama’s experience is a nonissue, one manufactured by candidates in a hot campaign who are looking to exploit any perceived weakness they can find.

In the past 50 years, American presidents have come to office with a range of foreign policy credentials, from none (John F. Kennedy, Jimmy Carter, Ronald Reagan, Bill Clinton, George W. Bush) to some (Lyndon Johnson, Gerald Ford) to a lot (Richard Nixon, George Bush). Nixon and the first president Bush ascended into office with stacked resumes.

“Nixon wandered the world sticking his head in American embassies,” said Steve Hess, a presidential historian at George Washington University who served on the White House staffs of Presidents Eisenhower and Nixon. “But even there, Kissinger gets a heap of credit for what happened during his presidency.”

Like Mr. Nixon, the first President Bush came into office with a resume that read like he was auditioning for head of the Council on Foreign Relations, the think tank based in New York that is filled with former United States officials, journalists, and whatever else passes for the foreign policy literati today. As a Navy pilot during World War II, Mr. Bush flew 58 combat missions, including one when he was shot down by the Japanese over the Pacific. He was ambassador to the United Nations, chief of the United States liaison office in China, and director of the C.I.A.

Most historians give the first President Bush a good mark for performance in foreign policy, particularly now, when his decision not to cross over into Iraq in pursuit of Saddam Hussein after the first war in the Persian Gulf is viewed in hindsight as a smart call. But remember, at the time, Mr. Bush received a lot of flack for not marching to Baghdad, and, in particular, for encouraging Iraqi Shiites to rise up, and then leaving them to be massacred by Saddam Hussein.

After Nixon and George Bush, none of the rest of America’s presidents in the past 50 years came into office with much more foreign policy experience than Mr. Obama, the son of a Kenyan father and an American mother, who grew up in Indonesia and Hawaii and who still has a relationship with his Kenyan family.

Jimmy Carter, Ronald Reagan and Bill Clinton all governors, came in as foreign policy neophytes and left office with mixed records. Mr. Carter gets credit for the Panama Canal treaties that would eventually turn control of the waterway back to Panama in 1999, and the Camp David accord between Israel and Egypt in 1978. But the Iran hostage crisis, and the botched rescue attempt in 1980 that led to the deaths of eight American service members, still haunt the historical view of his presidency.

Mr. Reagan “ended up with a fair bit of success because of his pragmatism,” Mr. Dallek says, particularly in positioning America to win the cold war. But that pragmatism also led to American misadventures in Latin America, including the Iran-Contra scandal that stained his presidency, historians say.

Mr. Clinton gets credit for Bosnia and blame for doing nothing when the Rwanda genocide took place.

The group running for the Democratic and Republican nominations are a mixed bag on the foreign policy front with Senator Joseph R. Biden Jr., Gov. Bill Richardson and Senator John McCain being the most credentialed, while Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton, one of the candidates talking the most about experience, in reality, comes up shorter, says presidential historian Richard Norton Smith, author of “Thomas E. Dewey and His Times” (Simon & Schuster). Unless being first lady counts as a foreign policy credential, Mrs. Clinton does not have that much on her resume.

“There is this osmosis working for her, that she is seen as an extension of the first Clinton presidency,” Mr. Smith said. “In lieu of more traditional experience, she benefits as being seen as the third Clinton term. There is an aura of competence about her.”

Will any of this matter when the next president takes office? “Look at what’s happened with Cheney and Rumsfeld,” Mr. Dallek said, citing the well-credentialed vice president and former defense secretary whom historians blame for leading the charge into Iraq. “That’s why I’m sympathetic to Obama. Does experience count? What really counts is judgment and what kind of judgment you have.”

http://www.nytimes.com/2007/08/25/us/polit...&oref=login
Snuffysmith
UPDATED: Press Explores Bush's Iraq/Vietnam Link

By Greg Mitchell

Published: August 23, 2007 10:55 AM ET updated Thursday
NEW YORK After years of mocking those who drew comparisons between the U.S. engagements in Vietnam and Iraq, war supporters are now invoking them – led by commander-in-chief George W. Bush, in a much-publicized speech today at the Veterans of Foreign Wars convention in Kansas City.

Now, how will the media respond to the “Vietnamization” of rhetoric on Iraq, as unveiled by President Bush today? At least three major papers quickly sought out critics who have tried to debunk it.

USA Today located Stanley Karnow, one of the leading scholars on the Vietnam war. “Vietnam was not a bunch of sectarian groups fighting each other,” as in Iraq. “Does he think we should have stayed in Vietnam?”

Robert Dallek, author of several celebrated biographies of recent U.S. presidents, including Lyndon Johnson, told the Los Angeles Times: “"It just boggles my mind, the distortions I feel are perpetrated here by the president.

"We were in Vietnam for 10 years. We dropped more bombs on Vietnam than we did in all of World War II in every theater. We lost 58,700 American lives, the second-greatest loss of lives in a foreign conflict. And we couldn't work our will," he said.

"What is Bush suggesting? That we didn't fight hard enough, stay long enough? That's nonsense. It's a distortion," he continued. "We've been in Iraq longer than we fought in World War II. It's a disaster, and this is a political attempt to lay the blame for the disaster on his opponents. But the disaster is the consequence of going in, not getting out."

The New York Times also talked to Dallek, who pointed out that the slaughters of the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia “was a consequence of our having gone into Cambodia and destabilized that country.” And it interviewed Andrew Bacevich, a Vietnam veteran and now professor of international relations at Boston University (his son was recently killed in Iraq).

Bacevich said of the Vietnam pullout: "It was not a precipitous withdrawal, it was a very deliberate disengagement. The Vietnam comparison should invite us to think harder about how to minimize the consequences of our military failure. If one is really concerned about the Iraqi people, and the fate that may be awaiting them as this war winds down, then we ought to get serious about opening our doors and to welcoming to the United States those Iraqis who have supported us."

Ironically, in the now-famous video from 1994 which surfaced last week, Dick Cheney used the word “quagmire” to refer to what would likely happen to us in Iraq if we invaded.

In this morning's speech, Bush said, “Here at home, some can argue our withdrawal from Vietnam carried no price to American credibility -- but the terrorists see things differently.” He claimed that Osama bin Laden himself had predicted that the American public, remembering Vietnam, would also rise up against the Iraq occupation.

"Three decades later, there is a legitimate debate about how we got into the Vietnam War and how we left," Bush added. "Whatever your position in that debate, one unmistakable legacy of Vietnam is that the price of America's withdrawal was paid by millions of innocent citizens whose agonies would add to our vocabulary new terms like 'boat people,' 're-education camps,' and 'killing fields.' "

Latest figures from Iraqi officials and international humanitarian aid groups show that the current conflict in Iraq has led to 2 million refugees and 1.2 displaced Iraqis within the country. Estimates of the civilian death toll range from 100,000 to at least half a million.

Appearing on CNN today after the coverage of the Bush speech, former Reagan adviser and magazine editor David Gergen said, "He may well have stirred up a hornet's nest among historian. By invoking Vietnam, he raised the automatic question, 'Well, if you've learned so much from history, Mr. President, how did you ever get us involved in another quagmire?'" He added: "It's surprising to me that he would go back to that, and I think he's going to get a lot of criticism."

Gergen also pointed out that after 30 years Vietnam "has actually become quite a thriving country." He suggested that, as in that example, there will be some kind of bloodbath when we eventually pull out of Iraq, but perhaps it, too, will eventually prosper.

The Washington Post quoted Steven Smith, senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations: "The president emphasized the violence in the wake of American withdrawal from Vietnam. But this happened because the United States left too late, not too early. It was the expansion of the war that opened the door to Pol Pot and the genocide of the Khmer Rouge. The longer you stay the worse it gets."

Shortly before his death earlier this year, legendary Vietnam war correspondent David Halberstam said, “I thought that in both Vietnam and Iraq, we were going against history. My view — and I think it was because of Vietnam — was that the forces against us were going to be hostile, that we would not be viewed as liberators. We were going to punch our fist into the largest hornets’ nest in the world.”

***

Related: Greg Mitchell's column about George Bush citing Graham Greene in his speech.

http://www.editorandpublisher.com/eandp/ne...t_id=1003628927
rla
QUOTE(Snuffysmith @ Aug 25 2007, 11:12 PM) *
Maybe Trading Up Soon at Justice
August 24, 2007 06:02 PM ET | Bedard, Paul | Permanent Link
The buzz among top Bushies is that beleaguered Attorney General Alberto Gonzales finally plans to depart and will be replaced by Homeland Security Secretary Michael Chertoff. Why Chertoff? Officials say he's got fans on Capitol Hill, is untouched by the Justice prosecutor scandal, and has more experience than Gonzales did, having served as a federal judge and assistant attorney general.

http://www.usnews.com/blogs/washington-whi...ding-up-soon-at

Plus he needs a new job because he has been such a failure at so called, "HomeLandSecurity>"
Snuffysmith

Allawi's Inside Track?
08.24.07 -- 2:30PM By Josh Marshall At TPMmuckraker today we've been explaining the 'boomlet', if that's the word for a manufactured boomlet, to return longtime CIA asset Iyad Allawi to power in Iraq as the successor to Prime Minister Maliki. He's signed on a big ticket GOP lobbying firm to make his case, Barbour Griffith & Rogers. And his account at BGR is being handled by Robert Blackwill, who until recently was the Iraq coordinator at the White House. So he probably gets his calls returned.

But here's something else that'll probably come in handy. The Iraqi National Intelligence Service turns out not to be funded by the Iraqi national government but rather by the Central Intelligence Agency. Go figure.

And the INIS, in turn, is run by Allawi's longtime pal Hazem Shaalan.

I confess that I have a much greater tolerance for these sorts of creative approaches to national sovereignty and democratic change when I have any confidence the puppeteers have a clue what they're doing. But, that said, it would seem Mr. Allawi may be the coming man to continue Iraq's democratic revolution.

http://talkingpointsmemo.com/archives/040934.php
Snuffysmith
<h3 class="blog_title">Five years ago today</h3> Today is the fifth anniversary of Dick Cheney's 2002 speech to the Veterans of Foreign Wars' national convention, which was the first instance of the White House making its case for a war with Iraq. Looking back, it's quite an oration.

"The case of Saddam Hussein, a sworn enemy of our country, requires a candid appraisal of the facts.... [W]e now know that Saddam has resumed his efforts to acquire nuclear weapons.... Many of us are convinced that Saddam will acquire nuclear weapons fairly soon....

"Simply stated, there is no doubt that Saddam Hussein now has weapons of mass destruction. There is no doubt he is amassing them to use against our friends, against our allies, and against us....

"In the face of such a threat, we must proceed with care, deliberation, and consultation with our allies. I know our president very well. I've worked beside him as he directed our response to the events of 9/11. I know that he will proceed cautiously and deliberately to consider all possible options to deal with the threat that an Iraq ruled by Saddam Hussein represents. And I am confident that he will, as he has said he would, consult widely with the Congress and with our friends and allies before deciding upon a course of action. He welcomes the debate that has now been joined here at home....

"As President Bush has said, time is not on our side. Deliverable weapons of mass destruction in the hands of a terror network, or a murderous dictator, or the two working together, constitutes as grave a threat as can be imagined. The risks of inaction are far greater than the risk of action."

Commenting on the speech, Thomas Ricks said this week, "I think it will be remembered as close as there was to a declaration of war with Iraq. When the Vice President got up there, we had no other evidence of a decision within the Bush administration. This seemed to be it -- the first time in history that a Vice President declared war."

--Steve Benen

http://talkingpointsmemo.com/






Snuffysmith
Pentagon setting up war information room

Pentagon Setting Up Iraq Information 'War Room' As Progress Report Approaches

LOLITA C. BALDOR
AP News

Aug 24, 2007 16:52 EDT

Shaping the Bush administration's message on the Iraq war has taken on new fervor, just as anticipation is building for the September progress report from top military advisers.


For the Pentagon, getting out Iraq information will now include a 24-hour-a-day, seven-day-a-week Iraq Communications Desk that will pump out data from Baghdad _ serving as what could be considered a campaign war room.

According to a memo circulated Thursday and obtained by The Associated Press, Dorrance Smith, assistant defense secretary for public affairs, is looking for personnel for what he called the high-priority effort to distribute Defense Department information on Iraq.

The move _ requested by Deputy Defense Secretary Gordon England _ comes as administration officials are gearing up for a rash of reports on progress in Iraq and recommendations from the military on troop levels going into next year. The key report will come from Gen. David Petraeus, the top U.S. commander in Iraq, and U.S. Ambassador Ryan Crocker.

Other reports are expected from Joint Chiefs Chairman Gen. Peter Pace, retired Gen. James Jones _ who will examine the progress of the Iraqi security forces _ and the Government Accountability Office, the investigative arm of Congress, which will review whether the Iraqi government has hit security and political benchmarks outlined by Congress.

The Pentagon dismissed suggestions that the communications desk will be a message machine or propaganda tool, and instead said it is being set up to gather and distribute information from eight time zones away in a more efficient and timely manner.

"I would not characterize it as a war room," Pentagon press secretary Geoff Morrell said Friday. "It's far less sinister than that. It's more like a library."

Morrell called it a "smarter way of doing business" and said the intent is to "create a central clearinghouse of information so we can pull in all that is coming out of Baghdad and Iraq and have it come into one point, so we can better be able to share it with people who are interested."

Some of the information collected, he said, would include data from briefings in Iraq, which take place when people on the U.S. East Coast are sleeping.

"It's for our benefit and for your benefit," said Morrell.

Defense officials familiar with the plan said it will provide information to other federal agencies, including the White House and State Department, so that officials can speak more consistently and accurately about the war.

The plan would put a team of people in the Joint Chiefs of Staff top-secret operations center.

Less than a year ago, Smith developed plans for teams of people to "develop messages" for the 24-hour news cycle and "correct the record" when news agencies put out what the Pentagon considered inaccurate information.

At the time, he outlined an operation that resembled a political campaign _ such as that made famous by Bill Clinton's 1992 presidential campaign war room _ calling for a "Rapid Response" section that quickly answers opponents' assertions.

It was set up to focus more resources on the Internet and blogs and book civilian and military guests on television and radio shows.

While portions of the plan were put in place, much of it was shelved when Donald H. Rumsfeld stepped down as defense secretary and Robert Gates took over. At the time, Rumsfeld was complaining bitterly that the news media were focusing too much on bad news coming out of Iraq and not enough on progress there.

Defense officials denied that the program was a propaganda tool or that it was set up to respond to the eroding public support for the war.

___

On the Net:

Defense Department: http://www.defenselink.mil

http://talkingpointsmemo.com/news/2007/08/..._war_inform.php
Snuffysmith
<h3 class="blog_title">Allawi Backed By CIA-Controlled Intelligence Group</h3> The aspiring Iraqi Prime Minister's pal Muhammed Shahwani heads the Iraqi National Intelligence Service. INIS is actually financed and run by Washington, and it would come in handy if he ever achieves power.

<li>Allawi's Billion Dollar Buddy
Snuffysmith

Can Saudi Arabia Be Trusted?
Will Nuland and Tobias Bock of the Atlantic Community present the pros and cons of the US relationship with Riyadh. How will the arms deal announced in July affect the West? Is Saudi leadership in the Middle East worth rewarding? And what about human rights?

In July, the US Department of State announced a new arms deal for the Middle East that included $20 billion for the Saudis, ostensibly to promote stability in the region. Condoleezza Rice and Secretary of Defense Robert Gates, who rarely travel together, made a joint trip to Riyadh to cement alliances. But are the Saudis trustworthy allies? The official line from the State Department is that promoting new defense technology among “moderate states” in the Middle East is an important safeguard against Iranian power plays. Some argue, however, that arming Riyadh is tantamount to giving guns to the enemy. The Atlantic Community looks at both sides of the story in this Pro and Con.


PRO

  • Saudis ensure regional stability: After years of stalled and failed diplomacy in which Middle Eastern state actors refused to step forward and facilitate positive change, Saudi Arabia is stepping in as a legitimate regional leader. The Kingdom reintroduced its 2002 peace initiative at the Arab League summit in March, and the plan, which includes recognition of Israel, was unanimously approved. An arms deal between the United States and Saudi Arabia (extending to Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates) would bolster the more moderate Arab states against Iranian military buildup and the Syrian threat to Lebanon. Israel has lent cautious support to the arms deal, potentially signifying a new era in Mideast security cooperation. More importantly, Saudi Arabia’s lead role in jumpstarting the Israeli-Palestinian peace process is no aberration, according to Thomas Friedman:
“In recent months, we’ve seen Saudi Arabia publicly blast Hezbollah for launching an unprovoked war on Israel; we’ve seen King Abdullah forge a cease-fire between Hamas and Fatah in Gaza; we’ve seen him try to tame Iran’s president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.”

  • Saudis are improving their human rights record: Riyadh is taking steps toward domestic reform. The Kingdom has a five-year plan to increase the percentage of women in the Saudi workforce from 5.4 to 14.2 percent. Education is also becoming comparatively more liberal, with women accounting for 56.5 percent of total university graduates. In April 2005, Saudi Arabia held its first municipal elections since the 1960s. Though only men were allowed to vote, full participation has been promised for 2009. King Abdullah has also committed to international human rights issues: his involvement in a May 2007 deal between Sudan and Chad to reduce spillover fighting from the crisis in Darfur helped lay the groundwork for the joint AU-UN force deployment resolution this July.
  • A valuable strategic partner for the US: Academics, pundits, and conspiracy theorists have called it an unholy alliance, but the bottom line is that the United States and Saudi Arabia have enjoyed a strategic partnership since the early 1930s. Though ideological differences can be vast, national interests are not; cooperation between the two countries furthers both parties’ broader Middle East agendas. Venerable organizations have been created to maintain and secure the US-Saudi defense relationship (USMTM, ARCENT-SA, OPM-SANG) and dismantling them would deal a huge blow to regional security. None of these considerations take into account Saudi Arabia’s clout within OPEC, and the US interest in influencing the Kingdom to keep oil prices low. Finally, Saudi Arabia is–and has been—the largest purchaser of US defense equipment in the world. The new arms deal is not a significant departure from past US policy, and should be nothing to cry wolf about.
CON

  • Saudis kill Americans: Saudi donors and charities (up to and including those most renowned) have been a major source of financing to extremist and terrorist groups on a global scale over the past 30 years, donating between $US 85 and 90 billion. Moreover, 15 of the 19 hijackers on 9/11 were Saudi citizens. The largest number of foreign fighters and suicide bombers in Iraq come from Saudi Arabia, accounting for as much as 45% of all external militants, who target US troops as well as Iraqi civilians and security forces.
  • Saudi organizations promote violence and religious intolerance: A 2005 report by Freedom House found that mosques in major cities across the US and Western Europe had been given materials bearing the seal of the Saudi government which incited violence among Muslims and propagated anti-Christian and anti-Semitic messages. The dogma of Wahhabism, the national Saudi religion, not only condemns the Judeo-Christian tradition but also rejects other Muslim belief systems.
  • A bad role model for a new Middle East: Regardless of Saudi Arabia’s strategic importance, such an expansive arms deal with the country sets the wrong precedent. The “significant human rights problems” listed in the US State Department’s 2006 Country Report on Saudi Arabia include denial of fair public trials, judicially sanctioned corporal punishment, arbitrary arrests, restrictions on civil liberties, and violations of religious freedom. Non-Wahhabi worshippers—Muslim or non-Muslim—are not allowed to possess their own holy documents or to worship in public. The Saudi government also does not comply with the minimum standards for the elimination of human trafficking and is not making significant efforts to do so. As a result, Saudi Arabia has been ranked in the worst category possible for the third year in a row in the US State Department’s report on Trafficking in Persons.

Can Saudi Arabia Be Trusted?
Will Nuland and Tobias Bock of the Atlantic Community present the pros and cons of the US relationship with Riyadh. How will the arms deal announced in July affect the West? Is Saudi leadership in the Middle East worth rewarding? And what about human rights?

In July, the US Department of State announced a new arms deal for the Middle East that included $20 billion for the Saudis, ostensibly to promote stability in the region. Condoleezza Rice and Secretary of Defense Robert Gates, who rarely travel together, made a joint trip to Riyadh to cement alliances. But are the Saudis trustworthy allies? The official line from the State Department is that promoting new defense technology among “moderate states” in the Middle East is an important safeguard against Iranian power plays. Some argue, however, that arming Riyadh is tantamount to giving guns to the enemy. The Atlantic Community looks at both sides of the story in this Pro and Con.


PRO

  • Saudis ensure regional stability: After years of stalled and failed diplomacy in which Middle Eastern state actors refused to step forward and facilitate positive change, Saudi Arabia is stepping in as a legitimate regional leader. The Kingdom reintroduced its 2002 peace initiative at the Arab League summit in March, and the plan, which includes recognition of Israel, was unanimously approved. An arms deal between the United States and Saudi Arabia (extending to Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates) would bolster the more moderate Arab states against Iranian military buildup and the Syrian threat to Lebanon. Israel has lent cautious support to the arms deal, potentially signifying a new era in Mideast security cooperation. More importantly, Saudi Arabia’s lead role in jumpstarting the Israeli-Palestinian peace process is no aberration, according to Thomas Friedman:
“In recent months, we’ve seen Saudi Arabia publicly blast Hezbollah for launching an unprovoked war on Israel; we’ve seen King Abdullah forge a cease-fire between Hamas and Fatah in Gaza; we’ve seen him try to tame Iran’s president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.”

  • Saudis are improving their human rights record: Riyadh is taking steps toward domestic reform. The Kingdom has a five-year plan to increase the percentage of women in the Saudi workforce from 5.4 to 14.2 percent. Education is also becoming comparatively more liberal, with women accounting for 56.5 percent of total university graduates. In April 2005, Saudi Arabia held its first municipal elections since the 1960s. Though only men were allowed to vote, full participation has been promised for 2009. King Abdullah has also committed to international human rights issues: his involvement in a May 2007 deal between Sudan and Chad to reduce spillover fighting from the crisis in Darfur helped lay the groundwork for the joint AU-UN force deployment resolution this July.
  • A valuable strategic partner for the US: Academics, pundits, and conspiracy theorists have called it an unholy alliance, but the bottom line is that the United States and Saudi Arabia have enjoyed a strategic partnership since the early 1930s. Though ideological differences can be vast, national interests are not; cooperation between the two countries furthers both parties’ broader Middle East agendas. Venerable organizations have been created to maintain and secure the US-Saudi defense relationship (USMTM, ARCENT-SA, OPM-SANG) and dismantling them would deal a huge blow to regional security. None of these considerations take into account Saudi Arabia’s clout within OPEC, and the US interest in influencing the Kingdom to keep oil prices low. Finally, Saudi Arabia is–and has been—the largest purchaser of US defense equipment in the world. The new arms deal is not a significant departure from past US policy, and should be nothing to cry wolf about.
CON

  • Saudis kill Americans: Saudi donors and charities (up to and including those most renowned) have been a major source of financing to extremist and terrorist groups on a global scale over the past 30 years, donating between $US 85 and 90 billion. Moreover, 15 of the 19 hijackers on 9/11 were Saudi citizens. The largest number of foreign fighters and suicide bombers in Iraq come from Saudi Arabia, accounting for as much as 45% of all external militants, who target US troops as well as Iraqi civilians and security forces.
  • Saudi organizations promote violence and religious intolerance: A 2005 report by Freedom House found that mosques in major cities across the US and Western Europe had been given materials bearing the seal of the Saudi government which incited violence among Muslims and propagated anti-Christian and anti-Semitic messages. The dogma of Wahhabism, the national Saudi religion, not only condemns the Judeo-Christian tradition but also rejects other Muslim belief systems.
  • A bad role model for a new Middle East: Regardless of Saudi Arabia’s strategic importance, such an expansive arms deal with the country sets the wrong precedent. The “significant human rights problems” listed in the US State Department’s 2006 Country Report on Saudi Arabia include denial of fair public trials, judicially sanctioned corporal punishment, arbitrary arrests, restrictions on civil liberties, and violations of religious freedom. Non-Wahhabi worshippers—Muslim or non-Muslim—are not allowed to possess their own holy documents or to worship in public. The Saudi government also does not comply with the minimum standards for the elimination of human trafficking and is not making significant efforts to do so. As a result, Saudi Arabia has been ranked in the worst category possible for the third year in a row in the US State Department’s report on Trafficking in Persons.
http://www.atlantic-community.org/index.php/articles/view/Can_Saudi_Arabia_Be_Trusted%3F
Snuffysmith

Michael Ledeen's Dangerous Iran Obsession
Steven Clemons, Director of the American Strategy Program at New America, chides Michael Ledeen and other neocons for disparaging negotiations with Iran. In this crosspost from The Washington Note, Clemons attacks Ledeen, Dick Cheney, James Woolsey and others for attempting to precipitate a rush to war.Read Article

http://www.atlantic-community.org/index.ph..._Iran_Obsession
Snuffysmith
Beyond the Rhetoric of Withdrawal: Our Unknown Air War Over Iraq

by Ed Kinane / August 25th, 2007

A key element of the drawdown plans, not mentioned in the President’s public statements, is that the departing American troops will be replaced by American airpower. . . . The American air war inside Iraq is perhaps the most significant – and underreported – aspect of the fight against the insurgency. (Full article …)

http://www.dissidentvoice.org/2007/08/beyo...-war-over-iraq/
Snuffysmith
The CIA and al-Qaedaby Andrew C. McCarthyIG’s report paints a sordid portrait of incompetence
Snuffysmith
Friday, August 24, 2007

Jacob Hornberger’s Blog [Blog Archives]


Bush and Congress Are Responsible for Iraq
by Jacob G. Hornberger


I can’t help but wonder whether President Bush’s reference to Vietnam isn’t a subconscious way to expiate his guilt at having dodged the Vietnam War and his guilt at having instigated the Iraq debacle.

While National Guard and Army Reserve troops are today being sent to Iraq, people of the Vietnam era know that such was not the case during the Vietnam War. The Guard and the Reserves were the rich boy’s respectable way to dodge the draft. Everyone knew that the Guard and the Reserves were not ever going to be sent to Vietnam, and it oftentimes took lots of political influence to get into a unit. Those guys who were poor and lacking political influence, especially the ones who couldn’t go to college, were the cannon fodder that got sent into the Vietnam hellhole, a hellhole that was built on lies and deception, as ultimately shown in the Pentagon Papers.

Not that I’m criticizing Bush or, for that matter, Vice President Cheney, who also avoided military service in Vietnam because he had bet