Greetings from RGE Monitor!
Today we look at some of the geostrategic risks to the global economy. Recent events, including a
North Korean missile test and signs of a deteriorating situation in
Pakistan, did little to shatter the ongoing asset market reflation. The
zero interest rate policy adopted by most central banks and signs that the
chance of a near depression has lessened, buoyed
world markets generally and emerging markets in particular. Even a near doubling of oil prices since mid-March seems to be pegged more to inflationary fears and a renewed search for yield than political risk. However, in the near term, the geostrategic risks are mounting and the new U.S. administration is being faced with critical challenges. It has become increasingly clear the U.S. must contend with the national interests of other players wielding vetos –or at least the ability to create significant problems for Washington--in areas and issues where American power and diplomacy once held sway. The financial crisis might actually accelerate this challenge to U.S. global leadership as it calls into question the financial and economic growth model and limits the fiscal resources to meet all of Washington’s policy goals.
Shifting Strategy The Obama administration entered office pledging to abandon Bush administration policies which had sought to quarantine so-called “rogue actors” in order to influence their behavior. Instead, the Obama team has launched a self-described “smart power” campaign aimed at engaging states like Iran, North Korea, Syria, Cuba and Venezuela, while improving relations with countries like Russia and taking a more multilateral approach to key global issues like climate change and the global financial crisis. It is far too soon to assess the success of such policies, but four months of extending his hand to U.S. rivals has paid no tangible dividend to date, yet has underscored the challenges inherent in relying on abstract theories in the real world.
The U.S. government’s deteriorating fiscal position will have medium- and long-term effects on its geostrategic posture, with
defense spending the most visible example. While few changes can be made in the short-term given the lead time of military appropriations, in the long-term the administration has called for cuts in major weapons procurement and a reorientation in strategy toward non-state threats and counterinsurgency. Under the Bush administration, the military budget grew at 8% annually on average; Obama’s proposal would decrease the growth rate to 4% next year and seeks further reductions in the future (even after absorbing the ongoing costs of the war in Afghanistan and Iraq, which to date had been funded with off-budget supplementary appropriations). Beyond cost control, the budget shows a strategic shift from conventional warfare and big-ticket weapons purchases to irregular warfare and upgrading existing technologies. The budget focuses relatively more on outfitting the military for the wars it is currently fighting in Afghanistan and Iraq, and less on planning for the day when a “peer competitor” emerges. Still, irregular warfare accounts for only 10% of the proposed FY 2010 budget.
Asian Arms Race? This shift away from “hard” power resources toward a more flexible “smart” power-focused military is likely to benefit the U.S.-led campaigns in Iraq and Afghanistan, smooth cooperation with Russia, and reduce the impact of
Venezuela’s rhetoric in Latin America. However, it may serve to accelerate the arms buildup in Asia, where a relative decline in U.S. power and its role as the region’s guarantor of stability will continue.
In fact, Asian defense spending is increasing even with the current fiscal pressures. China announced a 14.9% increase in military spending this year, with a focus on expanding its navy. In a white paper released earlier this year, the People’s Liberation Army announced a shift in strategic focus to a more global role for the Chinese military, and for the first time has dispatched a naval force abroad to join a UN flotilla off the pirate-infested coast of
Somalia.
Australia’s defense department , ever wary of changes in China’s military strategy, announced a shift of its own, proposing new warship programs to prepare for the day when the U.S. will not be the sole dominant military power in Asia. India and South Korea are also expanding their navies, and Japan, to date second to the powerful U.S. Seventh Fleet in the region, may follow. Meanwhile, North Korea’s
nuclear test and missile launches will only add to the pressures on Japan and South Korea to expand their militaries, in particular their missile defense efforts. With the region’s naval expansion, the Pacific and Indian oceans will grow more crowded in future years, which could spark a conflict—accidental or not. Military-to-military cooperation failed to prevent several incidents between the Chinese and U.S. navies earlier this year.
U.S. ties with China have focused primarily on economic not political issues. China is now the largest of the U.S. creditors and its willingness to absorb U.S. treasuries could be key to the success of the U.S. fiscal stimulus and banking sector rescues. Despite Chinese officials'
public worries about the long-term value extensive U.S. dollar holdings, in 2009, China has continued to buy U.S. treasury bonds and bills. Given that hot money outflows may have ebbed, China may now be buying significant
U.S. assets again, particularly as the renminbi is sinking along with the dollar. Yet China is clearly diversifying its assets on the margins,
investing in strategic resources and allowing the renminbi to be used outside of China, steps that could limit its demand for U.S. assets in the long-term. No wonder Treasury Secretary
Geithner faced questions about the U.S. fiscal deficit reduction plan in Beijing this week. Such issues will no doubt re-emerge at the summer meeting of the
Strategic and Economic dialogue (SAED) to be led by Secretary Geithner, Secretary of State Clinton and their Chinese counterparts respectively. In a whole range of issues ranging from the management of economic imbalances, nuclear proliferation and climate change, China wields significant leverage. However Chinese officials vary in their views about the country’s global role.
The North Korean Gauntlet North Korea’s missile test and erratic behavior since the rumored stroke of its leader pushed it onto the frontburner. Since 2003, the U.S has engaged
North Korea through a series of negotiations and sanction under the guise of the Six Party Talks in corporation with South Korea, Japan, Russia, and China. However, attempts to convince North Korea to denuclearize in exchange for food and fuel have failed to date, leaving the U.S. in a strange predicament as the President vowed to engage in sustained, direct, and aggressive diplomacy with the state.
North Korea’s economy remains weak and vulnerable to shifts in external aid and trade flows from South Korea and especially
China, which accounted for 75% of North Korea’s external trade in 2008. China may not use this
leverage as North Korea remains a strategic buffer between the American troops based in South Korea and China, and Beijing and South Korea both fear a flood of North Korean refugees following an economic collapse. However, China could once again support targeted sanctions on the North Korean regime. Additionally the relationship
between the Koreas is deteriorating.
Given President Obama’s recent global call to rid the
world of nuclear weapons, his policy on North Korea will serve as true test on how the U.S will deal with recalcitrant states.
Iran and Its Discontents Iran has been somewhat wary of starting direct communication, at least until after the
imminent presidential elections. With
economic woes, including still high inflation, rising unemployment and lower government resources, President Ahmadinejad may emphasize foreign policy concerns to trump domestic opposition. In fact the most recent
missile test was announced in the midst of campaign season. In addition to its nuclear development plans, Iran’s influence and funding of militant groups in the Middle East, means that its role as a regional veto player should not be ignored. Despite the drop in oil revenue (and
Iran did not save as much as GCC countries), Iran continues to issue inflammatory threats aimed at Israel, and it maintains influence over Hamas, Hezbollah and
some groups in Iraq that gives it significant leverage, , particularly as the U.S. withdraws from Iraq.
The risks of a military conflict involving Iran are not negligible, as Israeli officials frequently make clear in private conversation. Any conflict could lead to an
oil price spike given that it could reduce not only Iranian supplies but also supplies from the GCC that transit through the Strait of Hormuz, one of the most significant
chokepoints in the global energy market. However, the risks of an Iranian oil weapon (withholding oil supply from global markets to meet policy aims) may be overstated given Iran’s need for the foreign exchange from its oil exports to Asia. Iran has reportedly had one of the
lowest compliance rates among OPEC members despite its hawkish talk. Moreover blocking the straits for more than a short period of time could be very difficult. With
global oil inventories at a high and Saudi Arabian surplus capacity at twice their 2008 averages, a sustained supply shock may be unlikely, however, the short-term response could be quite significant.
Iraq and ‘Af-Pak’
The U.S. is in the process of drawing down its military presence in Iraq, even as the
security outlook remains uncertain. Planned elections have already been deferred to the fall and the lower oil price has led to budget cuts including long-delayed reconstruction, all factors adding to the strains on Iraq’s political and security institutions. Pulling off the withdrawal by the end of 2010 would fulfill a major Obama campaign promise but Iran could benefit from any ensuing vacuum. Meanwhile, the oil investment regime remains fragmented, with the legal status of deals in Iraqi
Kurdistan still pending approval by the federal government.
Even as the U.S. draws down in Iraq, it may be settling in for a long stay in
Afghanistan and security threats in Pakistan are on the rise. Despite U.S. economic assistance, Pakistan continues to be
marred by more violence including attacks on economic hubs. This growing instability in Pakistan calls into question the security of its
nuclear arsenal, already a source of nuclear proliferation and a major concern of American security officials. Pakistan is one of the four sovereign states that has not signed the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) and is completing construction of several new reactors and seeking to purchase inputs from China to expand its arsenal.
A ‘Dialogue’ with the Muslim World President Obama travels in the Middle East this week, making a highly anticipated speech in Cairo on June 4, the next step in the administration’s outreach to Arab and Muslim countries. Deepening his
role in the Middle East process, President Obama supports the creation of a Palestinian state alongside Israel as the best way to establish peace in the region, a plan that is likely to meet a number of challenges. A newly formed
Israeli right-wing coalition government led by Benjamin Netanyahu has avoided committing to a two-state solution and has shown little readiness to halt the settlement expansion on the West Bank, one of the key requests made by Washington. Moreover, the Israeli leadership insists there can be no progress on the Israeli-Palestinian issue until the threat posed by
Iran’s nuclear program has been resolved.
Palestinian internal rifts, meanwhile, continue to bedevil efforts to create a coherent negotiating strategy. The Palestinians remain deeply divided between the moderate Fatah, which t controls the West Bank, and the Western-shunned militant Hamas which controls the Gaza Strip and rejects the Israel’s right to exist.
Brokering the successful peace deal requires reaching consensus among the parties on the two-state solution and more importantly, on the actual borders. A regional approach might include
reaching out to Syria, which has been pursuing talks with Israel on the Golan Heights through Turkish mediation. But upcoming
elections in Lebanon and the likely victory of Hezbollah, a Shiite political movement aided by Syria and Iran, will provide another test for the Obama administration’s ‘smart power’ policy in the region.
Gulf Oil Powers Another planned stop on the president’s itinerary, in
Saudi Arabia, will place energy security and stability of oil supplies on the agenda. Saudi Arabia, as
OPEC’s largest oil producer and the only country with significant spare capacity, is one of the few swing players in the energy markets. Moreover, Saudi Arabia is a member of the G20 and might play a role in supporting the IMF by
purchasing its bonds. Furthermore, as oil prices climb, Saudi Arabia could again add to its purchases of U.S. securities. The dollar maintains a disproportionate share of Saudi Arabia’s foreign asset accumulation, as it does in the reserves, if not the sovereign wealth funds, of other gulf states. However, it would take a significant oil price spike, well above $80 a barrel for the Kingdom to begin saving at a significant pace especially since
its spending has risen at a sharp pace in recent years
The Gulf states have long been under the U.S. military umbrella, housing bases and providing a key market for U.S. military contractors. The
U.S.-UAE nuclear cooperation deal is a major step. The deal, recently approved by the President and now waiting out a 90 period when congress could object, could provide a blueprint for other such deals and provide opportunities for U.S. companies but detractors worry it could set off a regional arms race.
Greening America’s Image Climate change is a major priority and the new members of Obama’s energy team have focused on increasing energy efficiency and the share of alternative fuels in the energy mix. It has introduced a number of policies in recent months, laying the groundwork for the upcoming climate change summit in Copenhagen. President Obama unveiled a new
auto efficiency program which hopes to reduce oil consumption by 1.8 billion barrels by 2016. Most importantly it aims to create a national standard rather than a patchwork of state-level standards Meanwhile
The American Clean Energy and Security bill (introduced in the House by Democratic Reps. Waxman and Markey) aims to increase the use of renewable energy by utilities. While some opine that it combines standards and incentives for rapidly deploying clean energy and energy efficiency technologies with firm economy-wide limits on the carbon pollution that is driving global warming, others worry about the economic costs especially given the U.S. recession.
Many of these changes are back-loaded, with the significant changes coming many years in the future. Moreover, the hopes for a comprehensive
global climate change regime to replace Kyoto this year may be a bit optimistic, particularly given that many emerging market economies, including
China, are wary of making cuts. China has been introducing policies trying to reduce its energy consumption (and energy imports), however, it argues that the consumers of its goods should bear part of the cost for the emissions that went into producing them. Getting other emerging economies like Russia and India on board may also be difficult.
Wooing Old Foes After years of frosty relations during the Bush era, the new U.S. administration has showed willingness to
repair ties with Russia that hit a new post- Cold War low following the
August war with Georgia. While cutting nuclear weapons seems as the most promising topic for reaching an agreement ahead of the Obama-Medvedev summit in July, Moscow’s insistence on its “privileged sphere of influence”
in the former Soviet space will continue to hamper efforts to repair ties between the two countries. Even though NATO leaders deferred the alliance’s eastward
expansion at the April summit, Moscow was infuriated by the recent NATO maneuvers in Georgia. Obama has been lukewarm on the
U.S. missile defense bases in Eastern Europe, a project proposed by the Bush administration and deeply opposed by Moscow. Yet, the plan is still not off the table and
competing influences in the former Soviet countries may keep souring Russia-West relations, not the least because most of these countries are critical for the
EU’s energy security. The January
gas war between Russia and Ukraine, Russia’s success in having Kyrgyzstan eject a vital American airbase in Central Asia, and the recent spate of political unrest in
Moldova and
Georgia provided a sharp reminder of Moscow’s clout in the region.
The Obama administration made steps to improve its
relations with Cuba. The island’s communist government agreed to restart talks with the U.S. on immigration, following the Washington’s decision in April to relax sanctions and lift restrictions on travel and remittances. The move signals the reversal of the Bush administration’s hard line policies that failed to undermine the Castro rule. However, it remains to be seen how far such talks will advance, particularly as both China and Russia have been increasing their investments in the country. However, the rapprochement also hailed by the
Latin American leaders who met with Obama at the April summit in Trinidad and Tobago and could be a sign of improving ties with Latin America, a region in which China has been increasingly involved in trade, investment and loan granting.